May 9 commemorates the 1950 Schuman Declaration, an initiative by French Foreign Minister Robert Schuman to pool the coal and steel of historic rivals France and West Germany. Initially known as Schuman Day, it was a pragmatic measure to ensure that materials necessary for arms production were locked into civilian use in a joint and transparent manner. This first step, involving two countries and two components, paved the way for a continental project built on incremental interdependence, celebrated on ‘Europe Day’ since 1985.

The declaration explicitly named Africa as a primary beneficiary, stating that with “increased resources,” Europe could pursue “one of its essential tasks, namely, the development of the African continent.” Scholars cite this as the foundational text for “Eurafrica”—a concept in which a unified Europe (rather than the “fortress Europe” feared by its development partners) would maintain influence and resource access through shared development.

May 25 marks the 1963 founding of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) in Addis Ababa, driven by Pan-African Founding Fathers including Gamal Abdel Nasser, Haile Selassie, Jomo Kenyatta, Kwame Nkrumah, Julius Nyerere, and Ahmed Sékou Touré. Initially designated “African Liberation Day”—an evolution of the 1958 “African Freedom Day”—the OAU Charter’s primary mission was to “eradicate all forms of colonialism from Africa,” directly confronting remaining European imperial rule and the Apartheid regime. The summit marked a shift from fragmented anti-colonial struggles to a coordinated continental framework centred on sovereignty, political unity, and collective agency—a trajectory that would later evolve into the African Union and be commemorated annually as Africa Day.

At the same 1963 summit, newly independent states insisted on equitable representation within United Nations organs, specifically the Security Council. This was not a plea for inclusion, but an early assertion that African independence was intrinsically linked to a global order in which African nations should be full-fledged actors. More than sixty years later, that demand remains unmet. Africa still lacks permanent representation in the world’s pre-eminent security body, and proposals to expand seats without reviewing veto power are widely regarded as entrenching representational asymmetry.

Taken together, the European Union and the African Union represent two distinct post-war political projects: one organised around continental integration through interdependence, the other around decolonisation, sovereignty, and collective African agency. The European Union today is often associated with debates over strengthening military capacity, protecting economic and strategic interests, and advancing energy security within a shifting Euro-Atlantic order.

The African Union continues to frame its priorities around unity and integration as conditions for peace and development, alongside a sustained focus on ending conflict, advancing governance reforms, and accelerating the African Continental Free Trade Area as a vehicle for economic integration. These strands are echoed in the spirit of the AU anthem, where unity—continental and national—is the foundation for stability and collective progress. Egypt is deeply committed to achieving this vision.

Hosting the first Africa-Europe Summit in 2000 established Cairo as an ideal convening ground. Yet, looking back, the opening declaration’s phrasing—that “over the centuries, ties have existed between Africa and Europe, which have led to many areas of co-operation”—reflected the careful compromises typical of multilateral diplomacy. Consensus often depends on a language broad enough for all parties to endorse. Still, the formulation inevitably flattened a far more unequal history of extraction, domination, and resistance—the very grievances African leaders had placed at the centre of the continental project.

Cairo now operates within a regional order that is gradually becoming more coherent and, in principle, more equal. The AU summit in June 2026 is significant to Egypt for two reasons: first, its theme, “Assuring Sustainable Water Availability and Safe Sanitation Systems,” is a matter of acute priority for Egypt as one of the countries facing severe to near-absolute water scarcity on a global scale; and secondly, its location, New Alamein.

New Alamein carries its own weight of symbolism. For decades, this stretch of Egypt’s northwestern coast was known as the Devil’s Garden, a name it acquired because of vast fields of landmines and unexploded remnants left by the Second World War battles of 1942 between Axis and Allied forces. A landscape defined by war, cemeteries, and danger has since been transformed through sustained investment and large-scale infrastructure works. Today, it stands as a fourth-generation city built for year-round activity, economic vitality, and regional connectivity, one of the mega infrastructure projects transforming the landscape of Egypt in the last ten years.

As Egypt also prepares to host the annual conference of Egyptians abroad in August, it is worth remembering that in 1963 the African summit expressed “deep concern” for communities of African origin living outside the continent, an early recognition of the diaspora as a political constituency. This prefigures the European Union’s later conceptualisation of diaspora as a tool of soft power. Its relevance today is less historical than structural. Migrants do not simply leave one society and enter another; they inhabit transnational networks that blur borders. Diaspora communities are living infrastructures—moving culture, ideas, labour and capital across systems still treated as separate, yet are in practice inseparable.

The proximity of Europe and Africa’s commemorative dates and post-war projects points to substantive, not merely symbolic, convergence. It reflects a reality in which Africa and Europe are increasingly enmeshed across shared strategic, economic, and human networks. The question is no longer whether they are connected, but whether political frameworks and concrete policies are evolving quickly enough to manage that interdependence fairly. The challenge ahead is as much political and strategic as it is institutional. African states must remain vigilant about how representation, development, and security arrangements are structured within this integrated region, while Europe must engage Africa as a full geopolitical partner rather than treating it as a peripheral concern. Only then can interdependence thrive on genuinely mutual terms.

Nadine Loza is a development strategist, opinion columnist, and Founding Director of the Egypt Diaspora Initiative.

The post Opinion | The May Meridian first appeared on Dailynewsegypt.

The warnings come amid shifting regional dynamics, with the Ethiopian government accusing Eritrea of mobilising and funding armed groups within Tigray. According to reports from the Associated Press, observers fear a potential alliance between Eritrea and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF)—former enemies during the 2020-2022 war—against the Ethiopian federal forces.

Tigrayan officials claim the federal government has breached the cessation of hostilities by launching drone strikes. Conversely, Addis Ababa has expressed concern over Eritrea’s involvement along the shared border. The Ethiopian military has reportedly begun calling up reserve forces in response to the growing instability.

Tensions have been further inflamed by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s recent assertions regarding Ethiopia’s need for direct access to the Red Sea. Earlier this month, Abiy told lawmakers that Ethiopia and the Red Sea “cannot remain separated forever,” referring to territory lost when Eritrea gained independence in 1993.

Yemane Gebremeskel, Eritrea’s information minister, dismissed the Prime Minister’s ambitions as a “pathological illusion.” Fearful of a military move against the port of Assab, Eritrea has reportedly sought a rapprochement with TPLF leaders, though it officially denies any such alliance.

The previous conflict, which ended in November 2022, resulted in thousands of deaths and was marked by widespread allegations of sexual violence and the use of starvation as a weapon of war. Residents in the regional capital, Mekelle, are reportedly seeking ways to leave the area, fearing a return to the communications blackouts and travel restrictions that defined the previous two-year siege.

Recent violence has already disrupted regional transport. On Jan. 29, Ethiopian Airlines suspended flights to Tigray following clashes between federal forces and Tigrayan fighters in Tselemti, a disputed area between the Tigray and Amhara regions. While flights resumed on Feb. 3, the skirmishes were followed by a drone strike that Tigrayan authorities say killed one person and wounded another. The Ethiopian military has not issued a public response to these allegations.

United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres has called for all parties to exercise restraint, a sentiment echoed by the European Union and Britain. The British government has formally advised its citizens against travelling to the region.

Since taking office in 2018, Abiy Ahmed has sought to project Ethiopia as a rising global power, though his tenure has been repeatedly challenged by internal conflicts and regional disputes.

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Addressing African leaders gathered to discuss conflicts, climate finance and economic development, Abdelatty conveyed greetings from President Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi, who currently chairs the Peace and Security Council for the month. He emphasized the need for a comprehensive strategy to tackle interconnected security challenges, including terrorism and foreign interference, while strengthening early warning systems, preventive diplomacy and mediation to contain crises before they escalate.

Abdelatty noted that the council held approximately 70 meetings over the past year, covering 80 agenda items. Conflicts and political transitions accounted for about 36% of discussions, while thematic issues made up 34%. The council convened five emergency sessions addressing developments in Madagascar, Sudan, Guinea-Bissau and Benin, reaffirmed its rejection of unconstitutional changes of government and issued 63 communiqués.

On specific conflict situations, he highlighted the lifting of suspensions on Gabon and Guinea following presidential elections that restored constitutional order. He also pointed to the renewal of the mandate of the Multinational Joint Task Force combating Boko Haram in the Lake Chad Basin and progress by the African Union Support and Stabilization Mission in Somalia, despite funding gaps. Abdelatty called for predictable and sustainable financing to ensure the mission’s continuity.

Turning to Sudan, he said the council continues to closely monitor developments and supports efforts toward a ceasefire and a comprehensive political settlement that preserves the country’s unity and sovereignty. He reiterated backing for African states undergoing political transitions and reaffirmed the AU’s “Silencing the Guns” goal under Agenda 2063.

On the sidelines of the summit, Abdelatty met Mafalda Duarte, Executive Director of the Green Climate Fund, to discuss expanding African access to climate finance. He stressed the importance of scaling up funding for mitigation and adaptation projects in developing countries and enhancing cooperation to support national climate initiatives and sustainable development.

The minister also held talks with Commissioner Litha Musyimi-Ogana of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights on strengthening cooperation in human rights, including the exchange of best practices in rehabilitation centres, women’s empowerment and child protection, while maintaining dialogue with African human rights mechanisms.

In separate meetings with the African Export-Import Bank, the African Development Bank and the African Union Development Agency, Abdelatty emphasized accelerating continental economic integration, boosting intra-African trade under the African Continental Free Trade Area and expanding partnerships to support investment, infrastructure development and private sector growth. He said Egypt aims to attract further investment by leveraging its strategic location, logistics capacity and infrastructure.

The summit comes as UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres reaffirmed that Africa remains the United Nations’ top priority. He called for African representation on the UN Security Council, urged peaceful political processes in Libya and an end to violence and terrorism in the Sahel, and said the continent could become a major global energy driver if its resources are effectively harnessed.

Opening the session, Mahmoud Ali Youssouf, Chair of the African Union Commission, called for an end to what he described as the killing of Palestinians, saying the situation in Palestine challenges the global conscience. Leaders are also discussing conflicts in Sudan and the Sahel, water security, debt burdens, sanitation challenges and the expansion of intra-African trade during the two-day summit.

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The recognition itself was hardly surprising. Since last April, intensive and largely covert contacts have reportedly taken place, coordinated by Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar and involving reciprocal visits by senior officials from both sides. These efforts culminated in a statement by the so-called foreign minister of Somaliland to the Israeli Broadcasting Corporation (KAN), in which he said they were open to discussing any issue, while stressing that formal diplomatic relations and the opening of foreign missions must come first. That long-sought objective has now been achieved; what remains, it appears, is the negotiation of details.

To fully grasp the implications, one must note a key element of the recognition process. During a video call celebrating what was described as a diplomatic breakthrough, Netanyahu told Somaliland President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi that he would inform President Trump of Somaliland’s willingness and readiness to join the Abraham Accords. In a statement, the Israeli Prime Minister’s Office added that Israel planned to immediately expand relations with Somaliland through intensive cooperation in agriculture, health, technology, and economic development.

In contrast, Trump appeared to downplay the significance of the move. Speaking with visible irritation while playing golf in West Palm Beach, he reportedly remarked, “Does anyone really know what Somaliland is?” When asked about Somaliland’s offer to allow the United States to establish a port on the strategically vital Gulf of Aden, Trump responded with biting sarcasm: “So what?” Despite this, Netanyahu’s office sought to frame the recognition as being “in the spirit of the Abraham Accords, signed at the initiative of President Trump.” Trump, however, attempted to distance himself entirely from the move, stating that he had no intention of recognizing the African entity and that he was not impressed by Israel’s decision. He further noted that it was Netanyahu who had requested the meeting at Mar-a-Lago, and that discussions on a ceasefire in Gaza were expected to be on the agenda.

The timing of the recognition is particularly striking. It comes just days before a highly anticipated meeting between Netanyahu and Trump in Washington to discuss the implementation of the second phase of the Gaza agreement—a phase that has become increasingly complex due to the intransigence of Israel’s right-wing government. This includes disputes over disarmament and the so-called “yellow line,” which the Israeli army refuses to relinquish, treating it as a new border between Gaza and surrounding settlements under the pretext of ensuring their security.

Netanyahu appears to believe that this recognition provides Trump with political cover and renewed momentum to advance the displacement agenda, now that a potential destination—Somaliland—has ostensibly been prepared. This approach diverts attention away from addressing the obstacles hindering the implementation of the “complex” second phase of the Gaza agreement, as described by extremist factions within the Israeli government. In this context, reports have recently emerged of flights carrying Palestinians from Gaza landing in South Africa, prompting Pretoria to cancel visas for Palestinians arriving on similar flights.

In response, Egypt, Turkey, and Somalia condemned Israel’s recognition of Somaliland as a “sovereign and independent state.” They reaffirmed their full support for Somalia’s unity, sovereignty, and political independence, as well as the Somali people’s right to security, stability, and a dignified life, in accordance with international law, Arab consensus resolutions, and decisions of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation. They also rejected and condemned Israel—an illegal occupying power—for recognizing Somaliland, warning against any steps that legitimize secession, undermine Somalia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, or destabilize the region.

From the outset, there has been skepticism regarding the consent and viability of this alleged state. While many African entities seeking independence have gravitated toward China, Somaliland has deliberately chosen a different path, maintaining close diplomatic ties with Taiwan and presenting itself as a natural ally of the United States. In a letter to President Trump in January, President Abdullahi emphasized that when forced to choose between the United States and China, Somaliland consistently chose America, Taiwan, and democratic partners. Yet despite these efforts, the breakaway region has failed to secure recognition from any other state. Somalia, for its part, has long mobilized influential international actors against any such recognition. Somaliland now hopes that Israel’s move will encourage others to follow suit, thereby enhancing its diplomatic standing and access to international markets.

Israel’s recognition could also trigger a chain reaction among neighboring African states. The announcement comes amid Ethiopia’s continued intransigence over the management of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, which has contributed to humanitarian crises in Sudan, and Addis Ababa’s persistent attempts to secure access to the Red Sea in defiance of established international laws and norms governing the security of this vital waterway. Egypt has already moved decisively by signing a military cooperation agreement with Somalia, underscoring the regional sensitivity of the issue.

Ultimately, this unilateral recognition is both unacceptable and dangerous. It forms part of Israel’s broader pattern, as a colonial occupying power, of undermining international peace and security—particularly regional and Arab stability. By pursuing policies that threaten sovereignty, unity, and territorial integrity, Israel continues to violate international law, the United Nations Charter, and peremptory norms that constitute the foundation of the international legal order.

Prof. Hatem Sadek – Helwan University

The post Opinion | Israel’s Recognition of Somaliland and the New Agenda for Palestinian Displacement first appeared on Dailynewsegypt.

Cairo affirmed that it “will not allow its water rights to be compromised and will take all measures guaranteed by international law and the UN Charter to defend the existential interests of its people.”

In a statement on Tuesday, the Foreign Ministry said the letter to the Council president underscored Egypt’s categorical rejection of what it described as a blatant violation of international law by Addis Ababa, and a challenge to the legal frameworks governing the Eastern Nile Basin.

The move came a day after Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed officially inaugurated the GERD at a ceremony attended by several African leaders, including Djibouti’s President Ismail Omar Guelleh, South Sudan’s President Salva Kiir, Somalia’s President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, and Kenya’s President William Ruto.

Ethiopia’s state news agency hailed the project as the “Pride of Africa,” emphasising that it was financed almost entirely by Ethiopians, unlike many other large-scale African developments reliant on external loans.

Abiy celebrated the GERD as “a testament to shared vision and collective action,” declaring it both a national undertaking and a “historic achievement for all of Africa.” He said the project would expand electricity access domestically and enable surplus energy exports to neighbouring states.

Once fully operational, the dam is expected to generate 5,150 megawatts of electricity, compared to the 750 megawatts currently produced by its active turbines.

Neither Cairo nor Khartoum attended the inauguration. Both continue to demand a legally binding agreement on filling and operating the reservoir, warning that unilateral actions by Ethiopia could imperil their water security. Egypt in particular fears its share of Nile waters will be reduced during the filling process.

As one of the world’s driest countries, Egypt already faces a 90% gap in its water resources. Around 70% of its water comes from the Blue Nile and Atbara rivers, which originate on the Ethiopian plateau and merge in northern Sudan to form the Nile.

Egypt’s share of Nile water stands at 55.5 billion cubic metres annually, accounting for about 97% of its water needs. Yet the annual per capita share is just 660 cubic metres—far below the international water scarcity threshold of 1,000 cubic metres per year.

A study by the Geological Society of America (GSA) warned that rapid population growth, intensifying human activity, and the GERD’s impact could trigger a drinking water crisis in Egypt as early as 2025. Covering 1,800 square kilometres and standing 170 metres high, the GERD is Africa’s largest hydroelectric project.

Egypt, home to 108 million people, depends on the Nile for about 90% of its freshwater. President Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi cautioned last month that “anyone who believes Egypt will turn a blind eye to threats to its water security is mistaken.”

Sudan has similarly called for a binding legal framework, though it could benefit from flood regulation and cheaper power. Ethiopia, however, maintains that the project is a sovereign right and a regional opportunity, and has pressed ahead with reservoir filling since 2020.

The GERD dispute has fuelled years of negotiations under the African Union, as well as international mediation efforts, including by the United States under President Donald Trump, who once warned the conflict carried serious risks. Yet, despite numerous rounds of talks, no binding deal has been reached.

With the dam’s official launch and Egypt’s appeal to the Security Council, tensions over the Nile are set to intensify, marking a new phase in one of the region’s most sensitive disputes.

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Sewilam’s remarks came during the extraordinary ministerial meeting of the Nile Basin Initiative (NBI) held on 21 February 2025, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. The meeting preceded the annual Nile Day celebrations on February 22nd, which commemorate the founding of the Nile Basin Initiative.

The meeting was attended by the Ministers of Water from South Sudan, Ethiopia, and Kenya, along with the Ambassadors of Rwanda, Burundi, and Tanzania, and representatives from Sudan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Uganda.

Sewilam conveyed the greetings of Egypt’s 107 million citizens, emphasising that their lives, culture, and future are deeply connected to the Nile River, to their “brothers and sisters” in the Nile Basin, with whom they share a common heritage.

Sewilam stressed that the Nile River is the lifeline of the basin countries, an artery that sustains their economies, ensures food security, and safeguards the well-being of their populations. He said the sustainable management of this shared resource is a fundamental responsibility to ensure the long-term stability, prosperity, and security of the entire region.

He stated that Egypt has always been a strong advocate of regional cooperation, noting its role in establishing the Nile Basin Initiative (NBI) in 1999. He added that in the first decade of the initiative, Egypt provided financial, technical, and political contributions, strengthening NBI as a platform for dialogue and collaboration among the basin countries.

Sewilam said that Egypt had to freeze its participation in the initiative’s technical activities in 2010 due to a shift in the decision-making mechanism, when the core principle of consensus was disregarded.

He added that the draft Cooperative Framework Agreement (CFA), which lacked unanimous agreement among all Nile Basin states, was opened for signature. He said that this development deepened divisions within the region and heightened tensions among Nile Basin countries.

Sewilam reaffirmed Egypt’s full commitment to supporting the consultative process, and expressed his hope that it would yield an agreement among the concerned countries and enable Egypt to resume technical participation in NBI once a unified vision is reached.

Sewilam also reiterated Egypt’s objection to including a visit to the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) as part of the Nile Day celebrations. He said the dam was constructed, filled, and is being operated unilaterally, which he said violates international law and breaches the 2015 Declaration of Principles Agreement.

He said that Egypt has consistently handled the GERD issue with restraint, insisting on keeping the dispute as a trilateral issue between Egypt, Sudan, and Ethiopia, without expanding it to include the entire Nile Basin.

Sewilam said that Ethiopia’s move to use its role as host of this regional gathering to impose such a visit risks dragging the entire Nile Basin into the GERD dispute, which he warned could harm the unity of the basin states and threaten regional cooperation.

He said that the host country has two choices: either uphold the spirit of unity and shield the basin from tensions, or proceed with the visit—at the risk of undermining the gathering’s purpose.

Sewilam reiterated Egypt’s commitment to the foundational principles of the Nile Basin Initiative, stressing that upholding the principle of consensus is essential to ensuring the initiative’s sustainability and maximizing mutual benefits for all member states. He affirmed that regional stability must be built on dialogue, cooperation, and mutual respect.

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The African Narratives report details how relations between Somalia and Ethiopia sharply deteriorated earlier in 2024, following Ethiopia’s signing of a memorandum of understanding with the breakaway Somaliland region. This agreement, which granted Ethiopia access to ports and military bases in Somaliland in exchange for initiating the process of recognising Somaliland’s independence, triggered a sharp response from Mogadishu, with tensions escalating throughout the year. Somalia’s decision to exclude Ethiopian forces from the African Union mission and establish a new mission to commence in early 2025 further highlighted the fractured relationship.

The “Ankara Declaration,” as the new agreement is known, aims to de-escalate these tensions, the report states. However, the accord notably avoids directly addressing the core disputes between Somalia and Ethiopia, opting instead for technical negotiations to be concluded by the end of February 2025. These talks are intended to establish a framework for cooperation and resolve lingering issues between the two sides. However, the report cautions that the absence of concrete solutions within the declaration itself leaves many questions unanswered.

According to the official Turkish statement, the Ankara agreement is limited to an exchange of understandings regarding bilateral principles, with Ethiopia reaffirming its support for Somali unity and sovereignty, while Somalia recognises Ethiopia’s need for access to its coast for economic purposes. The report points out that this is essentially a restatement of broad objectives, lacking the tangible commitments necessary to ensure long-term stability.

Despite the agreement’s limitations, the African Narratives report acknowledges that it does present certain advantages for the involved parties. However, for Egypt, it presents a complex strategic puzzle.

Turkey’s mediation, primarily driven by its ambition to become a major player in the Horn of Africa, benefits from this accord, the report suggests. Ankara’s influence in Somalia is substantial, including economic aid and military support. This agreement reinforces Turkey’s role as a regional mediator, enhancing its strategic position. Ethiopia, too, gains by securing access to Somali ports, reducing regional tensions, and allowing its government to focus on internal conflicts. However, for Somalia the benefits of the deal, especially on military issues, are still limited.

The Somali government, for its part, hopes to strengthen stability and create new economic avenues. However, Mogadishu remains wary of granting Addis Ababa military privileges on its coasts, given the implications for its sovereignty. This cautious approach highlights a potential point of contention in the future.

The report makes clear that several obstacles could impede this fragile reconciliation. The presence of terrorist groups, most notably Al-Shabaab and the growing presence of ISIS, could pose significant threats to the region, particularly if Somalia relies on certain ports. Further, the volatile nature of the Middle East, coupled with increasing global competition for influence in the Horn of Africa, could undermine the stability of the entire region.

The report then turns its attention to Egypt’s strategic dilemma. Egypt recently supported Somalia by providing military equipment and reaffirming its commitment to Somali sovereignty. However, the rapprochement between Somalia and Ethiopia creates a complex situation.

While Somalia continues to view Egypt as an important military partner, its willingness to engage with Ethiopia on economic issues complicates matters. Egypt now risks losing influence in the region, as Somalia seeks to balance its relationships with both Cairo and Addis Ababa. Egypt’s existing military ties to Somalia may not be enough to counter the shift towards closer cooperation between Mogadishu and Addis Ababa.

Furthermore, African Narratives report argues that Ethiopia’s potential access to the Red Sea coast could pose a significant challenge to Egyptian interests, especially if it leads to increased Ethiopian influence over the Bab el-Mandeb Strait and the Gulf of Aden, which are critical for the Suez Canal. Economically, the report adds, the agreement could limit Egyptian investment in the region, particularly given Turkey’s rising influence. Though Egypt remains a significant presence in Africa, the reconciliation could have a palpable effect on its regional sway.

Despite these concerns, the report suggests that “Somalia will not risk its relationship with Egypt, Eritrea, and Djibouti.” and that Mogadishu will likely resist granting Ethiopia military access to its ports. Additionally, Turkey, having recently improved its relations with Egypt, is unlikely to risk a confrontation that might jeopardise navigation to the Red Sea and the Suez Canal. The report also highlights that Egypt is a key player in the region, with strong ties to Djibouti, Eritrea and Somalia.

This was apparent on Friday evening, as the United Nations Security Council has authorised a new African Union stabilisation and support mission in Somalia, known as AUSSOM, which will replace the current, larger AU anti-terrorism operation from 1 January 2025.

During the Security Council meeting, the Federal Government of Somalia declared that Ethiopia would not be part of AUSSOM. Somalia stated that it has secured the necessary 11,000 security personnel through existing bilateral agreements with other countries.

The report proposes that Egypt should seize the opportunity to formulate a cooperation agreement with both Somalia and Ethiopia, aimed at economic integration, countering regional terrorist threats, and promoting stability. This cooperation could also provide Egypt a way to safeguard its own interests, while ensuring the security of the Suez Canal. Turkey could act as a viable sponsor for such a trilateral agreement.

Ultimately, the report concludes that the success of the Somali-Ethiopian agreement remains contingent on future negotiations and political realities. For Egypt, it mandates a serious reassessment of its strategic role in the Horn of Africa, requiring proactive measures to safeguard its influence and protect its interests in the region. The report stresses that Cairo can no longer rely on the status quo and must adopt a more dynamic and adaptable approach.

African Narratives for Strategic Studies is a Pan-African nonprofit policy research organisation committed to reshaping the global understanding of Africa while addressing the continent’s most pressing challenges. With a core focus on democracy, security, energy, economic development and human rights, they amplify African voices and perspectives to foster informed discourse, inspire innovative solutions, and promote sustainable progress.

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The witnesses described the incident as part of a broader pattern of violence targeting ethnic Amharas, with numerous reports of attacks, massacres, and ethnic cleansing. They detailed military operations involving drone strikes on civilian populations in towns like Finote Selam, Qora , Alem Ketema, Quarit,Metema ,and Dembecha, resulting in significant casualties, including women and children.

The conflict in Ethiopia’s northern region escalated in August 2023, with fighting erupting between federal forces and the Fano “self-defence” militia. The Fano militias claim to represent an armed manifestation of the longstanding grievances of the Amhara people, citing continued massacres, displacements, and discriminatory treatment of their group across Ethiopia. They point to the recent mass arrest of Amharas in Addis Ababa by the federal police as an example of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s continued mistreatment of their group. Families demanding information on the whereabouts of imprisoned relatives are also facing harassment.

Over the past week, drone attacks have been carried out in the North Shewa Zone, targeting schools and killing civilians, including farmers and teachers, according to eyewitnesses.

The Ethiopian Human Rights Commission has reported killings, bodily injury, property loss, and displacement of civilians in the Amhara Region. The conflict has led to the obstruction of goods passage, internet shutdowns, looting, and attacks on civilians, commercial institutions, and infrastructure.

The international community’s silence on the situation has been met with criticism from those on the ground, who say that despite overwhelming evidence of atrocities, institutions that champion human rights have failed to respond adequately, allowing the violence to escalate unchecked.

The Amhara conflict has seen a rise in:

Extrajudicial Killings: Door-to-door searches have led to executions without trial, targeting individuals suspected of supporting opposition groups.

Mass Arrests: Thousands of Amhara individuals have been detained, often without proper legal basis, leading to overcrowded detention facilities and inadequate healthcare.

Persecution of Christians: The burning and destruction of over 30 churches between 2018 and 2019, and recent violent incidents against Christians, have exacerbated ethnic and religious tensions.

In response to the escalating violence, human rights advocates have called for accountability. “The Ethiopian government and military must be held accountable for their actions, and those responsible for these atrocities must face justice,” said one anonymous witness. “The world cannot stand by while innocent people are massacred for their ethnicity. Sanctions and international pressure must be applied to stop the violence and protect the Amhara people.”

The cries of Mohamednur’s two-year-old child left alone beside his mother’s lifeless body, demand justice, humanity, and action.
In October, human rights group Amnesty International accused Ethiopia’s army of conducting “mass arbitrary detentions” in the Amhara region. Amnesty’s regional director for East and Southern Africa, Tigere Chagutah, alleged that hundreds have been detained, including members of the academic community, in major towns across the Amhara region since Sept. 28.

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The event saw the attendance of Ambassador Tordeta Ratabay, Deputy Chief of Staff of the Cabinet of the AUC Chairperson, alongside numerous ambassadors, diplomatic corps members, representatives of international and regional organizations, private sector companies, media institutions, and members of the Egyptian community in Ethiopia.

In his address, Ambassador Gad welcomed the participants, particularly the Egyptian community in Ethiopia, and underscored the significance of the July 23, 1952, Revolution in modern Egyptian history.

He described it as a source of inspiration for African, Arab, and Asian nations, highlighting the revolution’s major achievements in various developmental fields.

He emphasised the continued adherence to its principles in maintaining the cohesion, identity, and stability of the Egyptian state amid regional conflicts and challenges.

Ambassador Gad also highlighted the exceptional relations between Egypt and Africa, noting the alignment of this national celebration with the 60th anniversary of the Organization of African Unity Summit hosted in Cairo in 1964.

He discussed the frameworks of Egyptian support and bilateral cooperation programmes with African countries through the Egyptian Agency of Partnership for Development and Egyptian companies in Africa.

Additionally, he highlighted Egypt’s activities within the African Union, its sustainable approach to peace and security, the President of Egypt’s leadership in post-conflict reconstruction and development, and his current chairmanship of the African Union Development Agency (NEPAD) Steering Committee.

Egypt’s current membership in the African Union Peace and Security Council, aimed at enhancing the agenda for peace, security, and development on the continent, was also noted.

Ambassador Gad concluded his speech by stressing the importance of African nations drawing inspiration from the revolution’s principles to face contemporary challenges and protect the continent’s interests.

Ambassador Ratabay, in his speech, emphasised Egypt’s historically influential role in Africa, recognising Egypt as one of the founders of the Organization of African Unity and the host of the organisation’s first summit outside Addis Ababa in 1964.

He praised Egypt’s ongoing support for the African Union, noting its significant contributions to the Union’s budget and the provision of its human resources to serve the Union in various fields.

Ratabay affirmed Egypt’s crucial role as a cornerstone of security and development in Africa and as a supporter of unified African positions on international issues.

As part of efforts to promote tourism destinations in Egypt, the celebration included a raffle for participants, offering four free airline tickets to Egypt in collaboration with the EgyptAir office in Addis Ababa.

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Eyewitnesses said the Sudanese Air Force conducted sporadic air strikes on RSF personnel near Tayba camp in southern Khartoum, in conjunction with intense reconnaissance flights.

Sudanese warplanes also carried out several raids on rapid support gatherings near the Sports City in the south of the capital. 

Meanwhile, the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) delegation decided on Monday to boycott the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) four-way summit in the Ethiopian capital of Addis Ababa in protest against the Kenyan chairmanship of the meetings.

The IGAD includes the foreign ministers of Kenya, Ethiopia, South Sudan and Djibouti. The committee resulted from the OIC Summit, which Djibouti hosted in June.

The Sudanese military delegation accused Kenya of being an impartial party in the crisis, confirming that it will leave Addis Ababa if Kenya insists on chairing the IGAD Committee.

Meanwhile, Egypt is preparing to host a conference of Sudan’s neighboring countries in mid-July to defuse the crisis in Sudan. Several countries, including Ethiopia, Eritrea, South Sudan, Chad, and the Central African Republic, have confirmed their participation in the summit.

Egypt seeks to end the current conflict and its negative repercussions on neighbouring countries and to establish effective mechanisms, with the participation of neighbouring countries, to settle the crisis in Sudan peacefully.

This is in coordination with other regional and international tracks, to settle the crisis.

“This comes at a time when the USA announced the visit of US Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Molly Phee to Addis Ababa. The US Department of State called on the parties to the conflict in Sudan to end the fighting and return to the barracks, and stressed the need to prevent any external intervention in Sudan, considering that there is no military solution to the conflict.

The Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki criticized the IGAD Committee during his meeting with the Vice-President of the Sudanese Sovereignty Council, stressing that the proposed initiatives are political auctions that cannot be participated in.

The United Nations (UN) warned that Sudan was “on the verge of an all-out civil war” and could destabilize the entire region.

UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres said in a statement that “the ongoing war between the armed forces has pushed Sudan to the brink of an all-out civil war that could destabilize the entire region.”

Guterres expressed his “concern over reports of renewed fighting in the states of North Kordofan, South Kordofan and Blue Nile,” the statement said.

He denounced “total disregard for humanitarian and human rights law” and renewed his call for a cessation of hostilities and “a permanent cessation of hostilities.”

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