Speaking at the White House on Wednesday, Trump said the United States “will not allow Iran to obtain a nuclear weapon,” adding that Washington had “strong support” for its position. He announced what he described as a strengthened naval blockade, referred to as the “Steel Wall.”

Trump said the United States would “seize more Iranian oil tankers,” adding that “no one can break through the naval blockade” imposed on Iran and that additional Iranian vessels “will be intercepted unless Tehran shows real commitment and changes its behaviour.”

Addressing lawmakers at the White House, Trump also said the United States would “end the war very quickly” with Iran, reiterating that Tehran would not be permitted to possess nuclear weapons.

Iran’s foreign ministry, however, said Tehran was currently focused on “ending the war on all fronts, especially Lebanon,” while insisting it continued negotiations “in good faith.” The ministry said Washington must demonstrate seriousness in any diplomatic process.

The ministry described the US naval measures as “a violation of the ceasefire and contrary to international law,” dismissing discussions of ultimatums or deadlines imposed on Iran as “ridiculous.”

It added that coastal states have the right to prevent “aggressor states” from crossing the Strait of Hormuz and called for mechanisms regulating passage through the strategic waterway to ensure maritime security and environmental protection. Tehran also demanded the release of frozen Iranian assets and an end to what it described as “maritime piracy against Iranian shipping.”

In a further escalation, Iran’s Revolutionary Guards warned that any renewed attack on Iran would not remain confined within its borders. In a statement carried by Tasnim news agency, the Guards said the “American-Zionist enemy” had failed to learn from repeated strategic defeats, adding that Iran had “not yet used all of its capabilities” despite confronting the United States and Israel.

Iranian state television later reported that five large oil tankers had received authorisation from the Revolutionary Guards to pass through the Strait of Hormuz, highlighting continued tensions surrounding one of the world’s most critical energy shipping routes.

Elsewhere in the region, Jordan’s military said it had shot down an unidentified drone that entered the country’s airspace over Jerash province on Wednesday morning, adding that there were no casualties and only minor material damage.

In the Gulf, the United Arab Emirates called on Iraq to prevent “any hostile acts” launched from its territory following a recent drone attack targeting the UAE’s Barakah nuclear power plant. In a statement, the UAE Ministry of Foreign Affairs urged Baghdad to take immediate and unconditional action to prevent “all hostile acts originating from its territory” and address the threats responsibly in accordance with international law.

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Speaking to reporters at the White House, Trump said he had been “one hour away” from authorising military action against Iran before deciding to suspend it, adding that strikes “would be happening right now” had there not been what he described as positive developments in contacts with Tehran.

“I’ll give it two or three days, maybe Friday or Saturday or Sunday, or maybe next week, but it is a limited period of time, because we cannot allow them to have a nuclear weapon,” Trump said. He added there was a “very good chance” of reaching an agreement with Iran, but warned: “I hope we don’t have to do more military work, but we may have to deliver another strong strike.”

Trump’s comments followed weeks of confrontation involving reciprocal attacks between the United States, Israel and Iran, including strikes targeting military sites, infrastructure, and energy facilities, with spillover effects across Gulf states and key maritime routes.

In Tehran, Deputy Foreign Minister for Legal and International Affairs Kazem Gharibabadi said Iran was prepared to confront any military aggression and would “not surrender”. He accused Washington of presenting military pressure as an opportunity for peace, stating: “For us, there is no concept of surrender. We either win or are martyred.”

Iranian army spokesman Mohammad Akraminia said Iran “cannot be besieged or defeated” and warned of opening new fronts using “surprising tools” if the country came under attack again.

Meanwhile, General Ali Abdollahi, head of Iran’s Khatam al-Anbiya wartime operations headquarters, warned the United States and Israel against any new “miscalculation”, saying Iranian forces were “more prepared and powerful than ever” and would respond “quickly, decisively, forcefully and broadly” to further aggression.

Alongside escalating rhetoric, diplomatic efforts continued. Iran’s Foreign Ministry said Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi discussed initiatives to end the conflict with Mohsin Naqvi in Tehran, arguing that “contradictory US positions and excessive demands” were obstructing diplomacy.

Araqchi thanked Pakistan for its mediation efforts, while Naqvi expressed hope that Islamabad’s engagement would help restore regional stability.

In Qatar, a foreign ministry spokesperson said Doha fully supported Pakistan’s mediation between Washington and Tehran, stressing that priorities remained preventing renewed hostilities, restoring stability, and achieving a sustainable resolution rather than a temporary ceasefire.

The spokesperson also emphasised the importance of preserving freedom of navigation through the Strait of Hormuz, saying obstruction of the waterway would violate international law.

He noted that the recent transit of two Qatari gas tankers through the strait did not indicate a return to normal shipping conditions, adding that regional and international contacts remained focused on reopening maritime routes and stabilising trade flows.

In the United Arab Emirates, the defence ministry said air defence systems had intercepted six drones targeting civilian and strategic locations over the past 48 hours.

The ministry added that investigations into Sunday’s attack on the Barakah Nuclear Power Plant found it involved three drones launched from Iraqi territory. Two were intercepted, while the third struck an electricity generator outside the facility’s inner perimeter.

The UAE said it reserved the right to take all necessary measures to protect its sovereignty and national security, stressing that its armed forces remained prepared to confront any threats.

In Israel, the newspaper Israel Hayom reported that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu held another security cabinet meeting to discuss the possibility of renewed military action against Iran; the second such meeting within 24 hours.

The developments underscored the simultaneous escalation of military threats and diplomatic engagement surrounding the crisis. Trump said a breakthrough could come soon either through an agreement or renewed military action, reiterating that Iran would “never” obtain a nuclear weapon, while also acknowledging uncertainty over whether the United States would ultimately strike again.

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It is difficult to regard these developments as mere coincidence. For Benjamin Netanyahu, war has become the ultimate political survival card. Anything short of perpetual crisis could expose him to the full force of ongoing corruption and bribery investigations that threaten his political future.

The domestic Israeli scene increasingly resembles a surrealist canvas, where the ambitions of politicians and parties collide with a deeply divided society exhausted by war on multiple fronts.

As the next elections—scheduled for October, or perhaps even earlier—draw closer, political tensions have sharply intensified. This followed the Israeli Supreme Court’s refusal to examine petitions filed by families of those killed, demanding the formation of an official state commission to investigate the October events and the subsequent war, a move Netanyahu had sought to avoid.

The dilemma lies in the absence of judicial consensus over whether the government is legally obligated to establish such a commission. Historically, the outcomes of these investigations have often led to sweeping political and military dismissals, as happened after the Agranat Commission following Israel’s defeat in the October War of 1973, and the Kahan Commission, which investigated the Sabra and Shatila massacres in Beirut in September 1982.

Experience has repeatedly shown that Netanyahu performs at his political best during periods of crisis. His name has become closely associated with a doctrine of “political survival through managed conflict,” a strategy designed to transform existential security threats into electoral leverage and a mechanism for postponing political and judicial accountability.

He frequently invokes the notion of “absolute victory” as a mobilizing slogan, linking his political future to the achievement of a vaguely defined military objective with no clear timeline. This effectively grants him an open-ended mandate to remain in power. High-profile military operations—such as strikes targeting Iran’s nuclear infrastructure—are likewise perceived as instruments for boosting Likud’s popularity. Netanyahu also takes pride in his close relationship with successive US administrations, particularly Donald Trump’s current administration, portraying himself as uniquely capable of securing unconditional international backing for Israel’s military campaigns.

Through wars and national emergencies, Netanyahu has also managed to place the opposition in what many describe as a “patriotism trap.” Political rivals such as Benny Gantz or Yair Lapid find it difficult to criticize him aggressively while Israeli soldiers remain on the battlefield. This dynamic weakens the opposition and grants Netanyahu additional legitimacy.

At the same time, the Supreme Court’s position has provided him with broader room for maneuver ahead of the upcoming elections. Backed by opinion polls suggesting he still commands considerable public influence, Netanyahu’s supporters continue to frame his policies as unavoidable security necessities.

What further strengthens his position is the growing fragmentation among parties attempting to build a united front against him. According to the Israeli newspaper Maariv, Netanyahu has raised the stakes politically and electorally, even declaring his willingness to form a future coalition government with the support of Arab parties. However, he demanded the right to personally select ten candidates for the Likud electoral list, warning that he could take the dramatic step of running outside the party altogether.

This threat evokes memories of Ariel Sharon’s creation of the Kadima Party in November 2005—a move widely described at the time as political suicide. Sharon resigned from Likud, a party he had helped establish, following fierce internal disputes with the party’s hardline right wing, then led by Netanyahu, over the Gaza disengagement plan. Yet Kadima ultimately succeeded in forming the government, despite Sharon remaining in intensive care until his death was officially announced years later.

Only a week ago, Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid established the “Together” alliance, seeking to lead a coalition aimed at defeating Netanyahu in the next elections. Remarkably, despite being only days old, the new bloc topped recent opinion polls conducted by Lazar Research in cooperation with Panel4All, securing more than 46% support compared to Likud’s 42%. Yet such numbers are not always decisive in Israel’s volatile political environment, where voters have become increasingly detached from traditional party loyalties.

Despite Netanyahu’s carefully crafted strategies, current realities point to unprecedented challenges confronting his political model. Thus far, he has failed to achieve a decisive outcome in Gaza, Lebanon, or Iran. Even his most reliable political asset—the military establishment—no longer guarantees overwhelming superiority. Emerging alliances such as the Bennett-Lapid coalition present a formidable alternative narrative centered on Netanyahu’s failure to translate military operations into long-term strategic gains.

As the war approaches its third year, it has exposed profound fractures within Israeli society itself. Extensive research data indicate a growing decline in public trust and social cohesion across various sectors. A recent study conducted by researchers from Tel-Hai University and Tel Aviv University paints a deeply complex picture of Israel after two and a half years of conflict. According to the study, 43% of respondents expressed greater fear of internal political divisions and domestic threats, compared to 38% who feared external security threats such as missiles and drones launched by Hezbollah or Iran’s Revolutionary Guard. Moreover, violence within Israeli society itself was viewed by many as an even greater danger than external military threats.

In essence, this is the environment Netanyahu perceives not as a crisis, but as an opportunity: an opportunity to preserve power and potentially secure another term in office—not out of concern for Israel’s security, but out of fear that judicial consequences could ultimately end his career not as a victorious statesman, but as a convicted politician.

Throughout his political career, Netanyahu has repeatedly transformed national security crises into instruments for personal political survival. Yet today, this strategy faces its most difficult test before an Israeli society exhausted by an endless war with no clear political horizon. The central question remains: how long can this model endure amid the steady erosion of internal trust?

Prof. Hatem Sadek, Helwan University

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In international politics, denial can occasionally be part of the game. US President Donald Trump has officially denied requesting Chinese mediation regarding Iran during his recent visit to Beijing. Yet the timing of the visit, the nature of the issues discussed, and the simultaneous escalation in the Gulf have all prompted observers to ask a larger question: Is Washington beginning to view China as a partner that can no longer be bypassed in managing Middle Eastern crises?

From this perspective, Trump’s visit to Beijing was not merely a historic encounter between two strategic rivals or a diplomatic showcase between two great powers. It reflected a deeper transformation unfolding within the international system itself. The shift is neither the collapse of America, as some imagine, nor the rise of China as a traditional replacement empire. Rather, it lies in the changing nature of power itself. Today, power is no longer measured solely by military capabilities, but also by the ability to influence markets, energy flows, supply chains, and networks of economic dependency.

Even without an officially declared mediation request, the mere linkage between Beijing, Washington, and the Iranian file reveals an undeniable reality: China has become too influential to ignore in Middle Eastern calculations. Washington, which for decades acted as the sole power capable of shaping regional balances, now finds itself operating in a world where other actors possess genuine leverage in one of the most strategically sensitive regions on earth.

China today is not merely a trading partner for Tehran; it is a vital economic artery. It is the largest importer of Iranian oil, has massive strategic investments under the Belt and Road Initiative, and holds the ability to grant Tehran economic breathing space in the face of Western sanctions. This makes Beijing—unlike many other international powers—capable of addressing Iran in the language of interests, not threats alone.

However, reading the scene as a “complete Chinese victory” would be a superficial and hasty interpretation. China itself does not—at least not yet—seek to lead the world according to the traditional American model. Beijing is highly aware that any direct confrontation with Washington could threaten the global economic stability upon which its rise depends. Therefore, China’s strategy is based on quiet expansion: economic influence, commercial penetration, long-term investments, and flexible alliances, without engaging in large-scale military adventures.

As for Trump, he operates with a mindset different from that of classical American administrations. He does not place much faith in ideological alliances or grand slogans about democracy and human rights; he believes in the language of “the deal.” His political approach is deeply pragmatic: reducing tensions when necessary, protecting economic interests, and avoiding disruptions that could destabilize energy markets or global trade flows.

Yet behind this pragmatism lies a larger, undeniable truth: America is no longer able to manage the world single-handedly as it did after the collapse of the Soviet Union. In the 1990s, Washington acted as the “sole pole,” capable of imposing sanctions, igniting wars, and building international coalitions without needing genuine understandings with rival powers. Today, the landscape is entirely different.

The war in Ukraine exposed the limits of Western power. The escalation in the Middle East revealed the fragility of global energy markets. Meanwhile, China’s economic rise has created a web of mutual dependencies that makes isolating or bypassing Beijing extremely difficult. The world is gradually transforming into a more complex system in which centers of influence are distributed among Washington, Beijing, Moscow, and rising regional powers.

Most importantly, the Middle East itself is no longer what it once was. Countries in the region have become more pragmatic and more capable of diversifying their alliances. Saudi Arabia cooperates economically with China while maintaining its security partnership with America. The UAE moves flexibly between East and West. Turkey plays a balancing role between Russia and NATO. Even Iran itself is increasingly looking eastward.

In this context, Egypt stands before an important strategic opportunity. A multipolar world grants Cairo wider space for political and economic maneuver, away from the logic of sharp polarization. Egyptian-Chinese relations are expanding economically, while the security and military partnership with the United States continues. This ability to balance may become one of the most significant factors in Egypt’s strength in the coming years.

However, multipolarity does not necessarily mean greater stability. Sometimes a unipolar world is more predictable, while competition between major powers can lead to prolonged crises and open contests of influence. The real danger lies not in China’s rise alone, but in the absence of clear rules to regulate relations between the great powers in the coming phase.

The question that imposes itself here is not: “Has American hegemony ended?” but rather: “How will America behave in a world it no longer controls alone?”

Washington recognizes that Beijing has become its most serious economic competitor, yet it also understands that China’s role in global energy markets, trade networks, and regional diplomacy cannot simply be ignored. This complex relationship of rivalry and selective cooperation may become the defining feature of international politics over the next decade.

As for Iran, it is well aware of the value of its position within this equation. The higher the tension in the Gulf, the greater the importance of the Iranian role, and the greater the need for major powers to negotiate with it, directly or indirectly. Therefore, Tehran will likely continue using its regional pressure cards cautiously, without risking an all-out confrontation that could threaten the regime’s survival.

The Strait of Hormuz remains the true heart of the crisis. It is not merely a waterway, but a global energy artery through which a significant share of oil and gas exports flows. Any disruption there threatens not only the Gulf but the entire global economy. This is why the whole world watches this small area with anxiety that sometimes surpasses attention to the wars themselves.

In the end, Trump’s visit to Beijing may not be an official announcement of the end of the American era. Still, it is certainly a practical acknowledgment that the world has entered a new phase: a phase in which no power—no matter how strong—can manage international balances alone.

And perhaps this is the most important message the visit carried, far from official statements and diplomatic photographs: The world is changing… slowly, but profoundly.

Dr. Marwa El-Shinawy, Academic and Writer

The post Opinion | Trump’s Visit to Beijing Raises the Question: Is Washington Recognizing a Post-Unipolar World? first appeared on Dailynewsegypt.

Speaking on state television, Pezeshkian said Iran’s “dignity and honour will not be sacrificed for comfort or worldly interests,” adding: “We will stand firm until the last breath with dignity and honour, while continuing negotiations and resolutely defending the rights of our dear people.”

His remarks came as the naval forces of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) announced the establishment of a new body, the “Persian Gulf Strait Authority”, tasked with overseeing maritime traffic through the Strait of Hormuz and levying transit charges on passing vessels, a move likely to intensify global concerns over shipping security and energy supplies moving through one of the world’s most important oil chokepoints.

Despite the escalation, signs emerged that diplomatic efforts remain active. Iran’s semi-official Tasnim news agency reported that Tehran had submitted an updated 14-point proposal to the United States through Pakistani mediation after amending an earlier US proposal containing the same number of points. According to Tasnim, the revised Iranian proposal focuses on ending the conflict and establishing confidence-building measures from Washington’s side.

Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Esmail Baghaei said negotiations with the United States were continuing through the Pakistani channel, dismissing speculation surrounding uranium enrichment and nuclear materials. He said both sides had exchanged proposals and comments without providing further details.

In Washington, US President Donald Trump sharpened his rhetoric towards Tehran, warning that “the clock is ticking” for Iran and saying it must move “very fast or there will be nothing left of them.” He also wrote on his Truth Social platform that time was running out for Iran to reach an agreement.

CNN, citing a source familiar with the matter, reported that Trump’s patience was wearing thin over Iran’s handling of negotiations and the continued closure of the Strait of Hormuz, which has disrupted global oil markets. The report added that Trump had more seriously considered resuming military operations in recent days as a means of increasing pressure on Tehran, although he still preferred a diplomatic resolution.

Meanwhile, Trump held a phone call with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu regarding developments linked to Iran, while Saudi Arabia said it reserved the right to respond after intercepting three drones that entered its airspace from Iraq.

A spokesperson for Saudi Arabia’s defence ministry said the drones had been intercepted and destroyed, adding that the kingdom would “take all necessary operational measures” to address any threat to its security and sovereignty.

Qatar also condemned the drone incident, describing it as “a violation of Saudi sovereignty and a threat to regional security,” while reaffirming its full solidarity with Riyadh.

Underscoring growing regional concern, Pakistan deployed 8,000 troops, a squadron of fighter jets and an air defence system to Saudi Arabia under a bilateral defence agreement, according to security officials and government sources, as Islamabad continues to serve as a principal mediator between Washington and Tehran.

On the diplomatic front, Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty held a phone call with Massad Boulos, senior adviser to the US president for Arab and African affairs, to discuss efforts to reduce regional tensions. Abdelatty stressed the importance of resuming dialogue between the United States and Iran to reach understandings that could help avert a broader regional conflict.

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Health Minister Khaled Abdel Ghaffar met with company founder Lawrence Messick to explore potential areas of cooperation in the Egyptian market. Abdel Ghaffar stressed Egypt’s commitment to providing a supportive investment environment for healthcare projects, highlighting the country’s broader strategy to strengthen pharmaceutical security and expand specialised healthcare services.

Ministry spokesperson Hossam Abdel Ghaffar said the talks covered opportunities in pharmaceutical manufacturing, elderly care, and clinical nutrition, in line with Egypt’s plans to diversify and enhance specialised healthcare offerings. He added that the government is keen to facilitate project implementation, encourage technology transfer, and introduce international expertise into the local market.

As part of the discussions, Abdel Ghaffar invited a company delegation to visit Egypt’s pharmaceutical city Gypto Pharma and the Egyptian Drug Authority to review manufacturing and regulatory capabilities and explore potential strategic partnerships.

Egypt aims to consolidate its position as a regional hub for pharmaceutical manufacturing by attracting foreign investment and expanding domestic production capacity. The meeting, attended by senior ministry officials and company representatives via video conference, reflects Cairo’s ongoing efforts to integrate global expertise into its healthcare and pharmaceutical sectors.

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The reliance on deceptive maritime practices to circumvent the blockade, which was imposed in mid-April to choke off Tehran’s oil revenues and restrict its regional financing, comes as the US Navy deploys extensive forces to the region. China remains the world’s largest importer of Iranian oil, and the ongoing trade coincides with recent meetings between US President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping.

The continued flow of crude has prompted US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent to accuse Beijing of “effectively funding terrorism” by maintaining its purchases of Iranian oil, according to the New York Times.

To grant Washington the capacity to monitor and intercept Asia-bound vessels, the US Navy has pushed significant forces into the region, beginning in the Gulf of Oman. US officials state the blockade has achieved substantial results, with more than 70 vessels intercepted since operations commenced. These include interventions near the Iranian coast and at significant distances in the Indian Ocean. Notably, US forces seized the tanker Majestic X, which was carrying an Iranian oil cargo destined for China, more than 2,000 miles from the Gulf of Oman.

However, a New York Times analysis of shipping data and satellite imagery demonstrates that several oil-laden vessels departing Iranian ports concurrently with or following the blockade’s implementation have successfully maintained their routes to East Asia.

Sophisticated Concealment Tactics

To evade detection, these vessels employ a variety of concealment methods, including deactivating tracking devices, spoofing geographical locations, sailing under false flags, and conducting ship-to-ship transfers at sea to obscure the true origin of the cargo. According to maritime intelligence firm Windward, the number of vessels utilising such deceptive practices surged by 600% between April 19 and May 3.

A prominent example is the Iranian supertanker Huge, which loaded approximately 2m barrels of crude from Kharg Island, Iran’s primary export terminal, before crossing the Strait of Hormuz in early April. Satellite imagery indicates the vessel departed the Gulf of Oman around April 13, almost exactly as the US blockade was enforced. The tanker kept its tracker deactivated for nearly its entire journey, briefly switching it on in early May when it appeared off the Indonesian coast in the Lombok Strait.

Captain Tim Hawkins, a spokesperson for US Central Command, stated that Washington does not consider the Huge to have evaded the blockade, as its crossing predated official enforcement. Conversely, the New York Times noted that US forces intercepted and seized another vessel carrying Iranian crude, the MT Tiffany, in the Indian Ocean on April 21, despite it also leaving the Gulf of Oman prior to the blockade’s imposition.

Satellite imagery tracked the Huge near Sri Lanka on April 23 before it continued north along the Vietnamese coast, with estimates suggesting it is bound for China or waters near Hong Kong. The vessel’s route is significant as it navigated the Indonesian Lombok Strait rather than the more frequently used Malacca Strait. Ami Daniel, chief executive of Windward, observed that an increasing number of Iran-linked vessels are adopting this route to minimise detection.

Describing the level of US focus on the blockade as “unprecedented,” Daniel added: “I do not think a 300-metre tanker can leave the Strait of Hormuz without being detected.” He suggested that some vessels successfully transiting the region may have secured understandings or waivers from US authorities for humanitarian or other considerations.

Electronic Spoofing and Covert Transfers

The US-sanctioned tanker Atomis utilised electronic spoofing to mask its location while loading Iranian crude. On April 2, tracking data positioned the vessel in Kuwait, whilst satellite imagery confirmed its presence at Kharg Island. The ship, which was falsely flying the Comoros flag, changed its name from Davit to Atomis just one day before crossing the US blockade zone.

Captain Hawkins asserted that electronic spoofing operations have not impeded the US Navy’s enforcement capabilities, noting that Washington relies on multiple monitoring means, including radio frequency data and radar-based satellite imagery. Analysts project the Atomis, which continued its journey across the Indian Ocean to a waiting area near Hong Kong, will likely transfer its cargo to another vessel.

Smaller vessels are proving highly manoeuvrable, frequently executing ship-to-ship transfers at sea. The US does not classify these transfers as a direct violation of the blockade, which prioritises vessels entering or exiting Iranian ports. The Salute Legend, a small Hong Kong-flagged tanker, used spoofing techniques to disguise its true location. According to a Lloyd’s List report, the vessel likely received Iranian oil from another tanker in the Gulf of Oman before sailing east to the Chinese port of Quanzhou.

The analysis indicates at least eight small Iran-linked vessels have departed the Gulf of Oman for Asia since the blockade began, with half believed to have engaged in ship-to-ship oil transfers in the Gulf or off the Malaysian coast. The waters near Malaysia have served as a primary hub for covert Iranian oil transfers for several years.

Floating Storage Declines

Despite the continued flow of some shipments to Asia, analysts assess the US blockade is actively impacting the volume of Iranian oil stored on vessels at sea.

According to data from Kpler, a global crude tracking firm, the volume of Iranian oil stored on tankers off the coast of Malaysia has dropped from approximately 85m barrels in early February to 51m barrels currently. This decline indicatesthat a significant portion of the floating inventory is no longer being replenished with fresh shipments at its previous pace.

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Speaking in a Fox News interview broadcast on Friday following his visit to Beijing, Trump stated that the arms deal remains under review. “I have not approved it yet, and we will see what happens. I am keeping it on hold for now, and the matter depends on China,” he said, adding that the proposed sale is “a very good bargaining chip for us, frankly.. it is a large amount of weapons.”

The US president described the status of Taiwan as the “most important file for the Chinese president” and noted that the issue dominated their summit discussions. Emphasising that Beijing “does not want to see Taiwan independent,” Trump predicted that China would take “very strong steps” should Taipei move in that direction.

“They will face a harsh response, and bad things will happen,” Trump said. He highlighted the geographic disparity as a “difficult problem,” noting that Taiwan is situated approximately 59 miles from China, whereas the United States is about 9,500 miles away.

Trump also accused Taiwan of “stealing” the American microchip industry, asserting that previous US administrations allowed semiconductor manufacturing companies to leave the country. “If we had imposed tariffs of 100% or 200% on chips coming into the United States, we would not have lost this industry,” he stated, adding that the sector is “returning now” to the US. He subsequently called on both Beijing and Taipei to de-escalate tensions, stating: “It would be smart for Taiwan to calm down a little, and it would also be smart for China to calm down a little.. both sides should calm down.”

Prior to his interview, a Chinese government spokeswoman stated that “the Taiwan issue is the most important issue in relations between China and the United States,” warning that improper handling could lead to “clashes and even conflicts” between the two nations. The status of Taiwan, located 80 kilometres off the Chinese coast, has historically strained bilateral relations; Beijing refuses to rule out the use of force to take control of the island, whilst Washington is bound by law to provide Taipei with the means for its defence.

Trade Agreements and AI Supremacy

Reflecting on his meetings in Beijing, Trump said “the relationship was the most important thing” he took away from the summit. “It is all about the relationship. I have a very good relationship with President Xi, and with China,” he noted.

He characterised trade relations between the two countries as “very strong,” announcing that China has committed to increasing its purchases of US soybeans and acquiring commercial aircraft from Boeing. Trump specified that Xi pledged to purchase 200 large Boeing aircraft, including 777 and 737 models. He added that this figure could rise to 750 aircraft if “Boeing and General Electric engines perform well.”

Beyond trade, artificial intelligence was a central focus of the bilateral talks. Trump asserted that the United States “excels by a large margin” over China in the sector. He disclosed that the two leaders discussed the possibility of establishing “controls” to regulate the development of AI.

Describing artificial intelligence as “mostly a wonderful thing,” Trump stated he has granted AI companies the right to construct their own power stations to secure necessary energy requirements, a move he claims has bolstered the US lead over China. “Very rich companies led by many geniuses” have already begun building these power plants, he said.

Trump noted that the global competition in artificial intelligence is “primarily concentrated” between the US and China. “Who will win the artificial intelligence race? We will win it,” he declared. He added that Xi was “surprised” by the extent of American progress, explaining that Beijing initially believed it held a “massive lead,” but that the US had “caught up, and is now clearly ahead of it.”

Putin to Seek Briefings in Beijing

Following Trump’s departure, Russian President Vladimir Putin is scheduled to visit China on Wednesday and Thursday. Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov highlighted the significance of communication between the world’s two largest economies, stating on Friday that Russia expects to receive direct information from China regarding its talks with the United States during Putin’s visit.

The Kremlin announced in a statement that Putin’s visit, taking place at Xi’s invitation, coincides with the 25th anniversary of the signing of the Good Neighbourliness, Friendship and Cooperation Treaty, which it described as “fundamental to relations between the two states.” The 2001 agreement, signed by Putin and former Chinese President Jiang Zemin, established a long-term strategic partnership and structured economic cooperation across multiple sectors, according to Bloomberg.

Putin and Xi are expected to discuss bilateral relations and exchange views on prominent international and regional issues. Bloomberg reported that following the talks, the two sides are scheduled to sign a joint statement alongside a number of bilateral governmental agreements and other documents. Putin will also hold discussions with Chinese Premier Li Qiang regarding trade and economic cooperation.

The South China Morning Post reported previously, citing unnamed sources, that the visit is unlikely to feature formal ceremonies such as a military parade.

The trip marks Putin’s first foreign visit of the year, underscoring the close alignment between Beijing and Moscow. The two nations view one another as essential partners in a broader effort to challenge the US-led global order. Last month, Xi praised the stability of relations with Moscow and pledged to enhance bilateral coordination during a meeting with the Russian foreign minister. In early May, Putin stated that the two countries had “agreed in principle” on a high level of serious cooperation in the oil and gas sectors, adding that he intends to discuss nuclear energy with Xi during the upcoming summit.

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Iran’s Fars News Agency, citing an informed source, reported that Tehran had rejected a 14-point US proposal, describing it as an attempt to “impose surrender” while continuing a policy of coercion and threats.

According to the report, Iran would not participate in a second round of negotiations unless Washington fulfilled five key confidence-building conditions, although the details of those demands were not disclosed.

In further signs of Tehran’s increasingly hardline stance, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian said “the enemies’ dreams of our people’s surrender and submission will never come true.”

Meanwhile, Alaeddin Boroujerdi, a member of parliament’s national security committee, said Iran would “never give up the strategic gain of the Strait of Hormuz” and would not engage in any discussions on halting uranium enrichment.

Boroujerdi described the current ceasefire as “fragile and unreliable,” warning that clashes could resume at any moment and stressing that Tehran would not yield to US demands.

As fears of a collapse in the truce intensified, the International Energy Agency (IEA) said the world was consuming oil reserves at a record pace due to the war’s impact, forecasting a decline of around 3.9 million barrels per day in global oil supplies during 2026 because of disruptions linked to Iran.

In its monthly report, the agency said the region had already lost more than one billion barrels of oil supplies since the conflict began. It warned that a closure of the Strait of Hormuz could remove up to 12.8 million barrels per day from global markets, potentially triggering one of the largest energy shocks in decades.

Against this backdrop, several countries announced plans to contribute to maritime security arrangements in the Gulf.

Australian Defence Minister Richard Marles said Canberra would join a “purely defensive” mission led by Britain and France to secure navigation through the Strait of Hormuz, deploying a Boeing E-7 Wedgetail surveillance aircraft.

South Korea also said it was considering “gradual” support measures that could include intelligence sharing, personnel and military resources, while stressing that such involvement would not amount to direct military participation.

Italy, meanwhile, said it could deploy two warships near the Gulf, but only after a “real, credible and stable” ceasefire had been established.

India announced the launch of a $1.5bn maritime insurance guarantee fund aimed at shielding its shipping sector from war- and sanctions-related risks, underscoring growing global concern over trade security and shipping routes.

Diplomatically, Pakistan continued to play a central mediating role between Washington and Tehran, with growing backing from China.

China’s Foreign Minister Wang Yi praised Islamabad’s efforts to facilitate US-Iran talks and expressed hope for a “proper solution” to the Strait of Hormuz crisis.

In the Gulf, tensions escalated further after the United Arab Emirates and Kuwait condemned what they described as an infiltration attempt by members of Iran’s Revolutionary Guards on Kuwait’s Bubiyan Island, which reportedly wounded a Kuwaiti serviceman.

Meanwhile, The Wall Street Journal reported that David Barnea, head of Israel’s Mossad intelligence agency, visited the UAE at least twice during the war to coordinate matters related to the campaign against Iran.

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Mohammad Akbarzadeh, deputy commander of the naval forces of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, said the geographical concept of the Strait of Hormuz was no longer confined to the traditional area around Hormuz and Hengam islands, but now extended across a broader strategic zone stretching from the coasts of Jask and Sirik to beyond Iran’s major islands.

Speaking to Iranian state television, Akbarzadeh said Tehran was monitoring US military movements in the region “with precision and capability” and would not allow attacks on its waters or interests. He added that Iran had previously “taught the Americans a lesson” during earlier tanker confrontations in the Gulf.

The remarks come amid mounting international concern over security in the Strait of Hormuz, through which roughly one-fifth of global oil trade passes, as tensions between Iran and the United States persist despite a fragile ceasefire reportedly mediated by Pakistan.

In a separate escalation, Ebrahim Rezaei, spokesperson for the Iranian parliament’s national security and foreign policy committee, said uranium enrichment to 90% purity “could be one of Iran’s options” if the country faced another attack, a level considered close to weapons grade.

Writing on X, Rezaei said parliament could discuss the option in the event of renewed attacks, reflecting growing pressure inside Iran for a tougher nuclear stance as diplomatic efforts falter.

On the US side, Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth said the ceasefire with Iran remained in place, adding that Washington was “winning the war against Iran” and that ending it would happen “on our terms.” He also said Operation Freedom, the naval mission escorting ships through the Strait of Hormuz, could resume if President Donald Trump decides to reactivate it.

Pentagon officials meanwhile said the cost of the conflict with Iran had risen to $29bn, amid growing questions in Washington over the financial and strategic burden of prolonged military involvement in the region.

In Israel, military options against Iran’s nuclear programme returned to the spotlight after Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu hinted at the possibility of securing Iranian nuclear materials “either through an agreement or through special operations,” reviving comparisons with past Israeli covert operations in the region.

Regionally, Kuwait’s interior ministry announced the arrest of four men accused of belonging to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps after they allegedly attempted to infiltrate Bubiyan Island by sea to carry out “hostile acts,” according to an official statement. Authorities said a clash with Kuwaiti forces left one serviceman injured.

Meanwhile, Qatar and Türkiye called for avoiding the use of the Strait of Hormuz as a “political or military weapon” and voiced support for Pakistan’s mediation efforts between Washington and Tehran.

Qatari Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani said during a joint press conference in Doha with Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan that the region was passing through “extremely sensitive circumstances” requiring closer political and diplomatic coordination.

Pakistan also rejected US media reports claiming Iranian aircraft were present at Noor Khan Airbase, describing the reports as “misleading” and aimed at undermining ongoing mediation efforts between Tehran and Washington.

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