Speaking at the White House on Wednesday, Trump said the United States “will not allow Iran to obtain a nuclear weapon,” adding that Washington had “strong support” for its position. He announced what he described as a strengthened naval blockade, referred to as the “Steel Wall.”

Trump said the United States would “seize more Iranian oil tankers,” adding that “no one can break through the naval blockade” imposed on Iran and that additional Iranian vessels “will be intercepted unless Tehran shows real commitment and changes its behaviour.”

Addressing lawmakers at the White House, Trump also said the United States would “end the war very quickly” with Iran, reiterating that Tehran would not be permitted to possess nuclear weapons.

Iran’s foreign ministry, however, said Tehran was currently focused on “ending the war on all fronts, especially Lebanon,” while insisting it continued negotiations “in good faith.” The ministry said Washington must demonstrate seriousness in any diplomatic process.

The ministry described the US naval measures as “a violation of the ceasefire and contrary to international law,” dismissing discussions of ultimatums or deadlines imposed on Iran as “ridiculous.”

It added that coastal states have the right to prevent “aggressor states” from crossing the Strait of Hormuz and called for mechanisms regulating passage through the strategic waterway to ensure maritime security and environmental protection. Tehran also demanded the release of frozen Iranian assets and an end to what it described as “maritime piracy against Iranian shipping.”

In a further escalation, Iran’s Revolutionary Guards warned that any renewed attack on Iran would not remain confined within its borders. In a statement carried by Tasnim news agency, the Guards said the “American-Zionist enemy” had failed to learn from repeated strategic defeats, adding that Iran had “not yet used all of its capabilities” despite confronting the United States and Israel.

Iranian state television later reported that five large oil tankers had received authorisation from the Revolutionary Guards to pass through the Strait of Hormuz, highlighting continued tensions surrounding one of the world’s most critical energy shipping routes.

Elsewhere in the region, Jordan’s military said it had shot down an unidentified drone that entered the country’s airspace over Jerash province on Wednesday morning, adding that there were no casualties and only minor material damage.

In the Gulf, the United Arab Emirates called on Iraq to prevent “any hostile acts” launched from its territory following a recent drone attack targeting the UAE’s Barakah nuclear power plant. In a statement, the UAE Ministry of Foreign Affairs urged Baghdad to take immediate and unconditional action to prevent “all hostile acts originating from its territory” and address the threats responsibly in accordance with international law.

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Speaking to reporters at the White House, Trump said he had been “one hour away” from authorising military action against Iran before deciding to suspend it, adding that strikes “would be happening right now” had there not been what he described as positive developments in contacts with Tehran.

“I’ll give it two or three days, maybe Friday or Saturday or Sunday, or maybe next week, but it is a limited period of time, because we cannot allow them to have a nuclear weapon,” Trump said. He added there was a “very good chance” of reaching an agreement with Iran, but warned: “I hope we don’t have to do more military work, but we may have to deliver another strong strike.”

Trump’s comments followed weeks of confrontation involving reciprocal attacks between the United States, Israel and Iran, including strikes targeting military sites, infrastructure, and energy facilities, with spillover effects across Gulf states and key maritime routes.

In Tehran, Deputy Foreign Minister for Legal and International Affairs Kazem Gharibabadi said Iran was prepared to confront any military aggression and would “not surrender”. He accused Washington of presenting military pressure as an opportunity for peace, stating: “For us, there is no concept of surrender. We either win or are martyred.”

Iranian army spokesman Mohammad Akraminia said Iran “cannot be besieged or defeated” and warned of opening new fronts using “surprising tools” if the country came under attack again.

Meanwhile, General Ali Abdollahi, head of Iran’s Khatam al-Anbiya wartime operations headquarters, warned the United States and Israel against any new “miscalculation”, saying Iranian forces were “more prepared and powerful than ever” and would respond “quickly, decisively, forcefully and broadly” to further aggression.

Alongside escalating rhetoric, diplomatic efforts continued. Iran’s Foreign Ministry said Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi discussed initiatives to end the conflict with Mohsin Naqvi in Tehran, arguing that “contradictory US positions and excessive demands” were obstructing diplomacy.

Araqchi thanked Pakistan for its mediation efforts, while Naqvi expressed hope that Islamabad’s engagement would help restore regional stability.

In Qatar, a foreign ministry spokesperson said Doha fully supported Pakistan’s mediation between Washington and Tehran, stressing that priorities remained preventing renewed hostilities, restoring stability, and achieving a sustainable resolution rather than a temporary ceasefire.

The spokesperson also emphasised the importance of preserving freedom of navigation through the Strait of Hormuz, saying obstruction of the waterway would violate international law.

He noted that the recent transit of two Qatari gas tankers through the strait did not indicate a return to normal shipping conditions, adding that regional and international contacts remained focused on reopening maritime routes and stabilising trade flows.

In the United Arab Emirates, the defence ministry said air defence systems had intercepted six drones targeting civilian and strategic locations over the past 48 hours.

The ministry added that investigations into Sunday’s attack on the Barakah Nuclear Power Plant found it involved three drones launched from Iraqi territory. Two were intercepted, while the third struck an electricity generator outside the facility’s inner perimeter.

The UAE said it reserved the right to take all necessary measures to protect its sovereignty and national security, stressing that its armed forces remained prepared to confront any threats.

In Israel, the newspaper Israel Hayom reported that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu held another security cabinet meeting to discuss the possibility of renewed military action against Iran; the second such meeting within 24 hours.

The developments underscored the simultaneous escalation of military threats and diplomatic engagement surrounding the crisis. Trump said a breakthrough could come soon either through an agreement or renewed military action, reiterating that Iran would “never” obtain a nuclear weapon, while also acknowledging uncertainty over whether the United States would ultimately strike again.

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In international politics, denial can occasionally be part of the game. US President Donald Trump has officially denied requesting Chinese mediation regarding Iran during his recent visit to Beijing. Yet the timing of the visit, the nature of the issues discussed, and the simultaneous escalation in the Gulf have all prompted observers to ask a larger question: Is Washington beginning to view China as a partner that can no longer be bypassed in managing Middle Eastern crises?

From this perspective, Trump’s visit to Beijing was not merely a historic encounter between two strategic rivals or a diplomatic showcase between two great powers. It reflected a deeper transformation unfolding within the international system itself. The shift is neither the collapse of America, as some imagine, nor the rise of China as a traditional replacement empire. Rather, it lies in the changing nature of power itself. Today, power is no longer measured solely by military capabilities, but also by the ability to influence markets, energy flows, supply chains, and networks of economic dependency.

Even without an officially declared mediation request, the mere linkage between Beijing, Washington, and the Iranian file reveals an undeniable reality: China has become too influential to ignore in Middle Eastern calculations. Washington, which for decades acted as the sole power capable of shaping regional balances, now finds itself operating in a world where other actors possess genuine leverage in one of the most strategically sensitive regions on earth.

China today is not merely a trading partner for Tehran; it is a vital economic artery. It is the largest importer of Iranian oil, has massive strategic investments under the Belt and Road Initiative, and holds the ability to grant Tehran economic breathing space in the face of Western sanctions. This makes Beijing—unlike many other international powers—capable of addressing Iran in the language of interests, not threats alone.

However, reading the scene as a “complete Chinese victory” would be a superficial and hasty interpretation. China itself does not—at least not yet—seek to lead the world according to the traditional American model. Beijing is highly aware that any direct confrontation with Washington could threaten the global economic stability upon which its rise depends. Therefore, China’s strategy is based on quiet expansion: economic influence, commercial penetration, long-term investments, and flexible alliances, without engaging in large-scale military adventures.

As for Trump, he operates with a mindset different from that of classical American administrations. He does not place much faith in ideological alliances or grand slogans about democracy and human rights; he believes in the language of “the deal.” His political approach is deeply pragmatic: reducing tensions when necessary, protecting economic interests, and avoiding disruptions that could destabilize energy markets or global trade flows.

Yet behind this pragmatism lies a larger, undeniable truth: America is no longer able to manage the world single-handedly as it did after the collapse of the Soviet Union. In the 1990s, Washington acted as the “sole pole,” capable of imposing sanctions, igniting wars, and building international coalitions without needing genuine understandings with rival powers. Today, the landscape is entirely different.

The war in Ukraine exposed the limits of Western power. The escalation in the Middle East revealed the fragility of global energy markets. Meanwhile, China’s economic rise has created a web of mutual dependencies that makes isolating or bypassing Beijing extremely difficult. The world is gradually transforming into a more complex system in which centers of influence are distributed among Washington, Beijing, Moscow, and rising regional powers.

Most importantly, the Middle East itself is no longer what it once was. Countries in the region have become more pragmatic and more capable of diversifying their alliances. Saudi Arabia cooperates economically with China while maintaining its security partnership with America. The UAE moves flexibly between East and West. Turkey plays a balancing role between Russia and NATO. Even Iran itself is increasingly looking eastward.

In this context, Egypt stands before an important strategic opportunity. A multipolar world grants Cairo wider space for political and economic maneuver, away from the logic of sharp polarization. Egyptian-Chinese relations are expanding economically, while the security and military partnership with the United States continues. This ability to balance may become one of the most significant factors in Egypt’s strength in the coming years.

However, multipolarity does not necessarily mean greater stability. Sometimes a unipolar world is more predictable, while competition between major powers can lead to prolonged crises and open contests of influence. The real danger lies not in China’s rise alone, but in the absence of clear rules to regulate relations between the great powers in the coming phase.

The question that imposes itself here is not: “Has American hegemony ended?” but rather: “How will America behave in a world it no longer controls alone?”

Washington recognizes that Beijing has become its most serious economic competitor, yet it also understands that China’s role in global energy markets, trade networks, and regional diplomacy cannot simply be ignored. This complex relationship of rivalry and selective cooperation may become the defining feature of international politics over the next decade.

As for Iran, it is well aware of the value of its position within this equation. The higher the tension in the Gulf, the greater the importance of the Iranian role, and the greater the need for major powers to negotiate with it, directly or indirectly. Therefore, Tehran will likely continue using its regional pressure cards cautiously, without risking an all-out confrontation that could threaten the regime’s survival.

The Strait of Hormuz remains the true heart of the crisis. It is not merely a waterway, but a global energy artery through which a significant share of oil and gas exports flows. Any disruption there threatens not only the Gulf but the entire global economy. This is why the whole world watches this small area with anxiety that sometimes surpasses attention to the wars themselves.

In the end, Trump’s visit to Beijing may not be an official announcement of the end of the American era. Still, it is certainly a practical acknowledgment that the world has entered a new phase: a phase in which no power—no matter how strong—can manage international balances alone.

And perhaps this is the most important message the visit carried, far from official statements and diplomatic photographs: The world is changing… slowly, but profoundly.

Dr. Marwa El-Shinawy, Academic and Writer

The post Opinion | Trump’s Visit to Beijing Raises the Question: Is Washington Recognizing a Post-Unipolar World? first appeared on Dailynewsegypt.

Speaking on state television, Pezeshkian said Iran’s “dignity and honour will not be sacrificed for comfort or worldly interests,” adding: “We will stand firm until the last breath with dignity and honour, while continuing negotiations and resolutely defending the rights of our dear people.”

His remarks came as the naval forces of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) announced the establishment of a new body, the “Persian Gulf Strait Authority”, tasked with overseeing maritime traffic through the Strait of Hormuz and levying transit charges on passing vessels, a move likely to intensify global concerns over shipping security and energy supplies moving through one of the world’s most important oil chokepoints.

Despite the escalation, signs emerged that diplomatic efforts remain active. Iran’s semi-official Tasnim news agency reported that Tehran had submitted an updated 14-point proposal to the United States through Pakistani mediation after amending an earlier US proposal containing the same number of points. According to Tasnim, the revised Iranian proposal focuses on ending the conflict and establishing confidence-building measures from Washington’s side.

Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Esmail Baghaei said negotiations with the United States were continuing through the Pakistani channel, dismissing speculation surrounding uranium enrichment and nuclear materials. He said both sides had exchanged proposals and comments without providing further details.

In Washington, US President Donald Trump sharpened his rhetoric towards Tehran, warning that “the clock is ticking” for Iran and saying it must move “very fast or there will be nothing left of them.” He also wrote on his Truth Social platform that time was running out for Iran to reach an agreement.

CNN, citing a source familiar with the matter, reported that Trump’s patience was wearing thin over Iran’s handling of negotiations and the continued closure of the Strait of Hormuz, which has disrupted global oil markets. The report added that Trump had more seriously considered resuming military operations in recent days as a means of increasing pressure on Tehran, although he still preferred a diplomatic resolution.

Meanwhile, Trump held a phone call with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu regarding developments linked to Iran, while Saudi Arabia said it reserved the right to respond after intercepting three drones that entered its airspace from Iraq.

A spokesperson for Saudi Arabia’s defence ministry said the drones had been intercepted and destroyed, adding that the kingdom would “take all necessary operational measures” to address any threat to its security and sovereignty.

Qatar also condemned the drone incident, describing it as “a violation of Saudi sovereignty and a threat to regional security,” while reaffirming its full solidarity with Riyadh.

Underscoring growing regional concern, Pakistan deployed 8,000 troops, a squadron of fighter jets and an air defence system to Saudi Arabia under a bilateral defence agreement, according to security officials and government sources, as Islamabad continues to serve as a principal mediator between Washington and Tehran.

On the diplomatic front, Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty held a phone call with Massad Boulos, senior adviser to the US president for Arab and African affairs, to discuss efforts to reduce regional tensions. Abdelatty stressed the importance of resuming dialogue between the United States and Iran to reach understandings that could help avert a broader regional conflict.

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Trump posted on his Truth Social platform late on Saturday an image of warships, including a boat carrying the Iranian flag, alongside the phrase “The calm before the storm,” in what observers viewed as a possible signal of looming military action against Iran, particularly around the strategically vital Strait of Hormuz.

The post came shortly after Trump returned from China, where he discussed the Iran war and other global issues with Chinese President Xi Jinping, amid growing international pressure on Washington to avoid a broader regional conflict.

Tehran responded sharply. Iranian armed forces spokesperson Brigadier General Abolfazl Shekarchi warned that any new attack on Iran would result in the United States receiving “even harsher and more severe blows,” adding that American interests and forces would face “new and devastating attack scenarios” if Washington acted on its threats.

Iran’s defense ministry spokesperson Reza Talaei Nik also said Iranian armed forces were “fully prepared to respond to any threat or aggression,” as Tehran intensified both military and political messaging regarding Gulf shipping security.

Iranian state television announced new procedures for ships transiting the Strait of Hormuz, requiring ship owners to submit transit requests through their foreign ministries to Iran’s foreign ministry, which would then forward them to the Revolutionary Guards navy for evaluation of the vessel’s route, ownership and cargo. Transit permission would be granted only if the vessel was not linked to a “hostile state.”

The move points to unprecedented Iranian tightening of shipping controls in the strait, through which roughly one-fifth of global oil trade passes, raising renewed concerns over maritime security and energy supplies.

In a separate development, the UAE defense ministry said its air defenses dealt with three drones entering the country’s airspace from the western border area. Two drones were intercepted, while the third struck a power generator outside the inner perimeter of the Barakah nuclear power plant in the Al Dhafra region, though no casualties were reported.

The ministry said investigations were underway to determine the source of the attack and stressed that the armed forces remained on full alert to confront threats targeting the country’s security.

South Korea’s foreign ministry said Foreign Minister Cho Hyun sought clarification from his Iranian counterpart Abbas Araqchi over an attack on a South Korean cargo ship near the Strait of Hormuz. A South Korean official was quoted as saying the likelihood that another party besides Iran was responsible was “low.”

In Israel, Yedioth Ahronoth reported that the Israeli military had moved to maximum alert over the possibility of renewed war with Iran, adding that the government was awaiting Trump’s decision amid growing assessments that Tehran may reject U.S. conditions for ending the conflict and addressing Iran’s nuclear program.

The newspaper also said the United States and Israel were “strongly preparing” for the possible resumption of hostilities, echoing an earlier New York Times report that the Pentagon was preparing for renewed war because key U.S. objectives — especially concerning Iran’s nuclear program — had not been achieved.

At the same time, Tehran sought to project domestic unity and regional backing. Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian told Pakistan’s interior minister that the United States and Israel had aimed to “topple the regime” but had failed to anticipate that the Iranian people would stand by their country and government. He also praised Pakistan’s role in helping sustain the ceasefire and expressed hope that Islamabad’s efforts would support regional peace.

As mutual threats continue, shipping restrictions tighten and military readiness increases across the region, fears are growing that the current ceasefire may prove only a temporary pause in a conflict whose core disputes remain unresolved.

The post Trump again signals military option against Iran amid Hormuz tensions first appeared on Dailynewsegypt.

Iran’s Fars News Agency, citing an informed source, reported that Tehran had rejected a 14-point US proposal, describing it as an attempt to “impose surrender” while continuing a policy of coercion and threats.

According to the report, Iran would not participate in a second round of negotiations unless Washington fulfilled five key confidence-building conditions, although the details of those demands were not disclosed.

In further signs of Tehran’s increasingly hardline stance, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian said “the enemies’ dreams of our people’s surrender and submission will never come true.”

Meanwhile, Alaeddin Boroujerdi, a member of parliament’s national security committee, said Iran would “never give up the strategic gain of the Strait of Hormuz” and would not engage in any discussions on halting uranium enrichment.

Boroujerdi described the current ceasefire as “fragile and unreliable,” warning that clashes could resume at any moment and stressing that Tehran would not yield to US demands.

As fears of a collapse in the truce intensified, the International Energy Agency (IEA) said the world was consuming oil reserves at a record pace due to the war’s impact, forecasting a decline of around 3.9 million barrels per day in global oil supplies during 2026 because of disruptions linked to Iran.

In its monthly report, the agency said the region had already lost more than one billion barrels of oil supplies since the conflict began. It warned that a closure of the Strait of Hormuz could remove up to 12.8 million barrels per day from global markets, potentially triggering one of the largest energy shocks in decades.

Against this backdrop, several countries announced plans to contribute to maritime security arrangements in the Gulf.

Australian Defence Minister Richard Marles said Canberra would join a “purely defensive” mission led by Britain and France to secure navigation through the Strait of Hormuz, deploying a Boeing E-7 Wedgetail surveillance aircraft.

South Korea also said it was considering “gradual” support measures that could include intelligence sharing, personnel and military resources, while stressing that such involvement would not amount to direct military participation.

Italy, meanwhile, said it could deploy two warships near the Gulf, but only after a “real, credible and stable” ceasefire had been established.

India announced the launch of a $1.5bn maritime insurance guarantee fund aimed at shielding its shipping sector from war- and sanctions-related risks, underscoring growing global concern over trade security and shipping routes.

Diplomatically, Pakistan continued to play a central mediating role between Washington and Tehran, with growing backing from China.

China’s Foreign Minister Wang Yi praised Islamabad’s efforts to facilitate US-Iran talks and expressed hope for a “proper solution” to the Strait of Hormuz crisis.

In the Gulf, tensions escalated further after the United Arab Emirates and Kuwait condemned what they described as an infiltration attempt by members of Iran’s Revolutionary Guards on Kuwait’s Bubiyan Island, which reportedly wounded a Kuwaiti serviceman.

Meanwhile, The Wall Street Journal reported that David Barnea, head of Israel’s Mossad intelligence agency, visited the UAE at least twice during the war to coordinate matters related to the campaign against Iran.

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Mohammad Akbarzadeh, deputy commander of the naval forces of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, said the geographical concept of the Strait of Hormuz was no longer confined to the traditional area around Hormuz and Hengam islands, but now extended across a broader strategic zone stretching from the coasts of Jask and Sirik to beyond Iran’s major islands.

Speaking to Iranian state television, Akbarzadeh said Tehran was monitoring US military movements in the region “with precision and capability” and would not allow attacks on its waters or interests. He added that Iran had previously “taught the Americans a lesson” during earlier tanker confrontations in the Gulf.

The remarks come amid mounting international concern over security in the Strait of Hormuz, through which roughly one-fifth of global oil trade passes, as tensions between Iran and the United States persist despite a fragile ceasefire reportedly mediated by Pakistan.

In a separate escalation, Ebrahim Rezaei, spokesperson for the Iranian parliament’s national security and foreign policy committee, said uranium enrichment to 90% purity “could be one of Iran’s options” if the country faced another attack, a level considered close to weapons grade.

Writing on X, Rezaei said parliament could discuss the option in the event of renewed attacks, reflecting growing pressure inside Iran for a tougher nuclear stance as diplomatic efforts falter.

On the US side, Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth said the ceasefire with Iran remained in place, adding that Washington was “winning the war against Iran” and that ending it would happen “on our terms.” He also said Operation Freedom, the naval mission escorting ships through the Strait of Hormuz, could resume if President Donald Trump decides to reactivate it.

Pentagon officials meanwhile said the cost of the conflict with Iran had risen to $29bn, amid growing questions in Washington over the financial and strategic burden of prolonged military involvement in the region.

In Israel, military options against Iran’s nuclear programme returned to the spotlight after Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu hinted at the possibility of securing Iranian nuclear materials “either through an agreement or through special operations,” reviving comparisons with past Israeli covert operations in the region.

Regionally, Kuwait’s interior ministry announced the arrest of four men accused of belonging to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps after they allegedly attempted to infiltrate Bubiyan Island by sea to carry out “hostile acts,” according to an official statement. Authorities said a clash with Kuwaiti forces left one serviceman injured.

Meanwhile, Qatar and Türkiye called for avoiding the use of the Strait of Hormuz as a “political or military weapon” and voiced support for Pakistan’s mediation efforts between Washington and Tehran.

Qatari Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani said during a joint press conference in Doha with Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan that the region was passing through “extremely sensitive circumstances” requiring closer political and diplomatic coordination.

Pakistan also rejected US media reports claiming Iranian aircraft were present at Noor Khan Airbase, describing the reports as “misleading” and aimed at undermining ongoing mediation efforts between Tehran and Washington.

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At the outset, several key realities must be acknowledged. Iran views the current regional landscape as temporary rather than permanent, tied largely to whatever remains of US President Donald Trump’s time in the White House – at most 30 months, including the final six months during which Trump would effectively become a “lame duck” ahead of the next presidential election. Tehran also regards the nuclear file as a supreme strategic asset that may be delayed under current pressure, but can never be surrendered – especially after the recent war reinforced the belief that, had Iran possessed a nuclear deterrent, neither Washington nor Tel Aviv would have dared to attack it.

Iran believes its nuclear programme can be technologically contained and suffocated for a limited period. Yet it also understands that once a state reaches the stage of independent technical mastery over a nuclear programme, material blockades become ineffective and may instead stimulate domestic innovation. This process was aided by neighbouring Pakistan, whose scientist Abdul Qadeer Khan previously transferred substantial nuclear expertise to Tehran. Added to this is Iran’s rugged geography, which serves as both a natural shield and a tactical advantage. The dispersal of enrichment facilities across fortified mountainous terrain and underground sites complicates aerial and satellite surveillance while significantly reducing the effectiveness of direct military action or strict international monitoring.

What applies to the nuclear file applies even more strongly to the ballistic missile programme. Both can be revived or further developed regardless of monitoring mechanisms. The real strategic prize, however, lies in controlling the Strait of Hormuz, a geopolitical opportunity Iran believes may never be repeated.

Tehran understands that Hormuz is an irreplaceable choke point. Between 20 and 21 million barrels of crude oil and petroleum products pass through it daily, accounting for nearly 20% of global oil consumption and around 30% of worldwide seaborne oil shipments. More than a quarter of global liquefied natural gas trade also transits the strait annually. Any total or partial closure – or even credible threats to maritime security – could send global oil prices soaring within hours.

Although alternatives exist, including pipeline networks through Saudi Arabia and the UAE, these can absorb only a limited share of the enormous volumes passing through Hormuz, leaving much of the world’s energy supply effectively trapped behind its narrow gates.

There are also legal constraints, particularly under the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, which prohibits the imposition of transit fees. Article 38 guarantees all vessels the right to continuous and expeditious passage without restrictions or charges. The only exception appears in Article 42, which allows fees solely in exchange for specific services such as navigation assistance or rescue operations.

Yet since Tehran issued its threats and reportedly imposed fees on certain vessels, the model itself has begun inspiring other states that control strategic waterways.

Last April, Indonesian Finance Minister Purbaya Yudhi Sadewa triggered controversy when he publicly proposed charging vessels passing through the Strait of Malacca, explicitly citing the Iranian model in Hormuz. The proposal faced strong opposition from Singapore and Malaysia, forcing Jakarta to retreat. Nevertheless, the concept itself has now entered geopolitical discourse as a potential future instrument of pressure.

China, meanwhile, is watching closely. If Iran succeeds in normalising such practices, Beijing could attempt to use the precedent to justify restrictions or transit fees in the Taiwan Strait or parts of the South China Sea, treating them as internal waters or areas subject to its sovereign security jurisdiction.

The real crisis surrounding the Strait of Hormuz can be distilled into one fact: it is extraordinarily difficult to secure militarily. Tactically, it represents a nightmare for conventional naval forces. Cheap smart naval mines, fast suicide boats, and drones launched from concealed positions amid harsh terrain turn the very idea of fully securing the passage into an illusion. Although the United States maintains a significant naval presence in the region, it remains incapable of fully preventing “grey-zone” attacks carried out without clear fingerprints or through proxy actors. This reality forces insurance companies to impose severe restrictions – or even deny coverage entirely – compelling shipping companies to suspend operations voluntarily, thereby creating an effective blockade without a formal declaration of war.

Iran’s message is direct: paying transit fees – or even a regulated form of tribute – may ultimately prove less costly than the collapse of supply chains or the loss of oil tankers. This helps explain why major powers appear constrained in confronting such threats decisively.

Maritime traffic through the strait is estimated at roughly 3,000 ships per month under normal conditions. Imposing fees on even a fraction of these vessels could generate billions of dollars annually. Reports suggest the prospect may even have appealed to Trump himself, as a businessman inclined toward profitable arrangements, prompting discussions about a possible joint framework with Iran to organise transit tolls through the strait.

Hormuz possesses all the ingredients necessary to become a permanent gold mine for Iran – and for whichever powers manage to dominate it – provided they do not push matters so far that the world accelerates efforts to develop alternative routes and technologies capable of eventually diminishing the strait’s strategic relevance.

What may be unfolding is the emergence of a new maritime financial order built around the monetisation of security. The central question remains: could Hormuz ultimately become Tehran’s ultimate “joker card” – one capable of securing a grand bargain involving the comprehensive lifting of international sanctions and the recovery of frozen Iranian assets in exchange for guaranteeing freedom of navigation once again?

Prof. Hatem Sadek – Helwan University

The post Opinion | Hormuz: The ‘Gold Mine’ Strait first appeared on Dailynewsegypt.

Trump said on Truth Social that he had reviewed Iran’s response, delivered via Pakistani mediators, and found it “totally unacceptable.” He later told Fox News he had not yet decided whether to resume “Project Freedom,” the US-led naval operation designed to secure maritime traffic, but suggested it could be expanded beyond Hormuz.

He said Washington was considering reviving the operation “on a broader scale, not limited to escorting ships through the Strait of Hormuz,” while warning that the United States would continue dealing firmly with Iran’s hardline leadership until an agreement was reached.

US Central Command reported redirecting 62 commercial vessels and disabling four ships since the blockade began, underscoring continued American pressure. Bloomberg cited sources saying Iran’s demands included lifting the blockade, easing sanctions, releasing frozen assets, and removing restrictions on oil exports. Tehran also sought control over Hormuz shipping and called for a ceasefire in Lebanon.

Iranian state television and the conservative Tasnim news agency said Tehran’s response emphasized the “fundamental rights of the Iranian people” and rejected what it described as “Trump’s excessive demands.” Reports added that Iran also sought compensation for the war and guarantees against renewed attacks.

Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Esmail Baghaei said Tehran’s proposal was “not excessive,” arguing that Washington continued to present “unreasonable demands.” He added that any understanding must include an end to fighting on all fronts, the lifting of sanctions and arrangements to ensure security in the Strait of Hormuz.

Responding to Trump’s rejection, Tasnim quoted a source as saying the US president’s position “carries no importance,” adding that Iran’s negotiating team drafts proposals “to defend the rights of the Iranian people, not to satisfy Trump.”

Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian said the country had “multiple options,” ranging from entering negotiations “with dignity” to remaining in a state of “no war, no peace,” reflecting Tehran’s continued caution toward the diplomatic track.

Meanwhile, regional powers stepped up mediation efforts. Saudi Arabia and Pakistan stressed the importance of diplomacy following a phone call between Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan and Pakistani Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar, during which they discussed Islamabad’s mediation efforts between Washington and Tehran.

Pakistan’s foreign ministry said the Saudi minister expressed support for Islamabad’s role, while both sides emphasized the importance of safeguarding maritime security, including shipping through the Strait of Hormuz.

Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi also held another phone call with his Saudi counterpart – the second in less than 24 hours – to discuss regional developments and Pakistani-mediated negotiations.

Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan is expected to visit Doha on Tuesday for talks on the Iran conflict, Gulf security and maritime safety in Hormuz, according to a Turkish diplomatic source.

The source said Ankara was maintaining intensive contacts with the United States, Iran and Pakistan in an effort to contain escalation, while supporting Qatar and simultaneously criticizing Iranian strikes on Gulf states.

Highlighting mounting international concern, Fatih Birol warned that the Strait of Hormuz’s reputation as a reliable global energy corridor could be “permanently damaged” if disruptions continue, adding that once confidence is lost “it cannot easily be restored.”

The Arab League condemned attacks targeting Qatar, Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates, calling them a “flagrant violation” of international law and warning that further escalation could undermine mediation efforts and push the region toward deeper instability.

With both sides firmly holding to core demands, diplomacy faces an increasingly difficult test as issues of war, sanctions, maritime security and energy flows become more tightly intertwined, complicating efforts to move beyond a fragile ceasefire toward a broader agreement.

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The assertion of the ongoing blockade follows Friday’s maritime clashes, where US forces fired on two Iranian-flagged oil tankers to stop them from docking in violation of the blockade. Despite the friction, President Donald Trump stated the US-Iran ceasefire is “still in effect,” but cautioned Washington would “knock them out a lot harder, and a lot more violently” if Tehran rejects a pending 14-point peace agreement.

Washington is currently awaiting Iran’s formal response to the proposed memorandum of understanding, which aims to end hostilities, ease blockades, and halt Iranian uranium enrichment. Asked if Tehran was stalling its reply, Trump responded: “I don’t know. We’ll find out soon enough.” Secretary of State Marco Rubio confirmed the US is expecting a response, adding, “we’ll see what the response entails” and hoping it is “a serious offer.” He attributed Friday’s delay to a “highly divided” and dysfunctional Iranian government.

The Wall Street Journal reported the one-page draft establishes a 30-day negotiation period, with talks potentially resuming next week in Islamabad, Pakistan. It requires Iran to ease its Strait of Hormuz closure whilst the US gradually lifts its port blockade. If talks fail, US forces will reinstate blockades or resume military action.

Iran has indicated an openness to discussing its nuclear programme and transferring highly enriched uranium abroad. Axios reported the proposed enrichment halt spans 12 to 15 years, bridging Iran’s five-year proposal and the US demand for 20 years. Any Iranian breach would extend the halt, after which enrichment is capped at 3.67 per cent. The pact also bars underground nuclear facilities and requires Iran to pledge never to develop nuclear weapons.

Conversely, Mohammad Mokhber, an adviser to Iran’s supreme leader, vowed Friday not to relinquish control of the Strait of Hormuz. In a Mehr news agency video, he likened the strategic waterway to an “atomic bomb” and pledged to change its legal regime. Rubio warned that any Iranian effort to control shipping there remains “unacceptable” to the US

Alongside the military developments, Associated Press satellite imagery revealed a 27-square-mile oil slick emanating from Iran’s Kharg Island export terminal. Windward AI CEO Ami Daniel estimated 80,000 barrels have spilled since Tuesday, warning it could reach the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, or Saudi Arabia within two weeks as cleanup is unlikely in a war zone. However, Greenpeace Germany expert Nina Noelle noted the slick is dispersing and will likely dissipate offshore. The Pentagon declined to comment on the spill, which predates the most recent US strikes.

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