During meetings with Varun Chandra and Minouche Shafik, economic, trade, and investment advisers to the British prime minister, Abdelatty highlighted Egypt’s macro-economic reforms, its “Industry 2030 Strategy”, and a “State Ownership Policy” aimed at empowering the private sector and stabilising the foreign exchange market.

The foreign minister also met with chairmen, chief executives, and representatives of UK investment funds, urging them to capitalise on Egypt’s free trade agreements and opportunities in the Suez Canal Economic Zone. He pointed to the government’s “Golden Licence” programme, which is designed to fast-track strategic projects, as a tool for companies seeking access to Middle Eastern and African markets.

British business representatives expressed interest in exploring new cooperation opportunities and expanding their investments, acknowledging improvements in Egypt’s investment climate.

In a separate meeting with the House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee, chaired by Emily Thornberry, Abdelatty discussed the upcoming formation of an Egyptian-British friendship group in the Egyptian parliament. Foreign Ministry spokesman Tamim Khalaf stated that Abdelatty expressed a desire for the Speaker of the House of Commons and committee members to visit Egypt to enhance bilateral coordination on both economic investments and ongoing regional challenges.

Addressing broader geopolitical issues during a panel at the Royal Institute of International Affairs (Chatham House), Abdelatty cautioned that regional escalation threatens international shipping and energy markets. He stressed that military solutions will only deepen crises, stating that Cairo is working with regional and international partners to support a US-Iranian negotiation track.

Abdelatty noted that recent visits by President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi to Gulf nations underscored that Gulf security is an integral part of Egypt’s national security, whilst rejecting any violations of Arab states’ sovereignty. He reaffirmed Cairo’s support for national state institutions and political solutions to conflicts in Sudan, Libya, Yemen, Syria, and Lebanon, adding that an independent Palestinian state based on the June 4, 1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital, remains the core of regional stability.

The post Egyptian foreign minister seeks UK investment, urges Middle East diplomacy during London visit first appeared on Dailynewsegypt.

The Wilson Centre in Washington, at its core, reflects a deeply rooted American belief that scholars and policymakers are not separate worlds, but partners in a shared public enterprise. It was designed to serve as a bridge between the world of learning and the world of public affairs, a space where intellectual insight is translated into debates, policies, and ideas that benefit both the state and society. Chatham House in London tells a different yet equally remarkable story of institutional excellence. Emerging from the ashes of World War I, it has played a pivotal role in shaping global understanding and has, for decades, reinforced the idea that the study of international affairs is not an academic luxury but a necessity for security, stability, and influence.

The greatness of these institutions lies not only in their history but in their philosophy. Chatham House, for example, did not limit itself to producing knowledge; it introduced the famous “Chatham House Rule,” creating a trusted environment for open and candid discussion. This principle has made deep, honest dialogue a tool for understanding and resolving complex problems. Its influence has extended far beyond intellectual circles, shaping government policies, parliamentary debates, and international directions, from issues of war and peace to climate, energy, and technology. This is what a true think tank does: it does not merely describe the world; it helps to change it.

Here lies the most important Egyptian and Arab lesson. We are in urgent need of genuine research centres, independent, credible, and serious institutions that do not function as promotional tools for their funders, nor as public relations offices disguised as think tanks. Yes, there are respectable exceptions and sincere efforts, but the broader picture across the Arab world remains troubling. Many entities carry the label of a “research centre”, while their actual role is to justify policies, polish images, or serve the agenda of those who fund them, rather than produce independent thought.

I say this also from personal experience. I once seriously considered establishing a research centre in Cairo, only to quickly encounter the same dilemma: funders often do not seek an institution that thinks, but rather a platform that promotes what they already want to say. At that point, the idea collapses from within, because a research centre loses its value the moment it loses its independence. Genuine knowledge does not flourish on demand, nor is it produced by institutions that already know their conclusions.

The lesson is therefore clear: if Washington has a centre like Wilson, and London has an institution like Chatham House, then it is not a luxury for us in Egypt to aspire to research centres of similar seriousness, independence, and impact. It is, in fact, a national priority. A state that does not invest in the production of ideas will remain a consumer of others’ thinking, and its policies will be less capable of renewal and less prepared to face a rapidly changing world.

What we need is not simply buildings labelled “Think Tank”, but an environment that respects research, protects independence, and understands that serious ideas are not a threat to the state, but one of its most important sources of strength.

Dr Ramy Galal is an Egyptian writer and academic specialising in public management and cultural policies. He has authored studies on cultural diplomacy, the orange economy, and restructuring Egypt’s cultural institutions.

Galal holds a PHD degree from Alexandria University, a master’s degree from the University of London, and a Diploma from the University of Chile.

A former senator, and former adviser and spokesperson for Egypt’s Ministry of Planning. He was also the spokesperson for the Egyptian Opposition Coalition.

The post Opinion | From “Wilson” to “Chatham House”: Building power through ideas, not armies first appeared on Dailynewsegypt.

What makes the incident even more troubling is that Brotherhood-linked activists boasted online that they had deliberately orchestrated the confrontation, setting a trap that ended with Mido’s arrest. One of them admitted publicly that his aim was to provoke an incident leading to Mido’s detention. Such claims make clear that the episode was neither spontaneous nor accidental. It was carefully planned and then celebrated online. The fact that British police responded with violent force against Mido, rather than confronting the orchestrated harassment, raises a pressing question: is the British police truly fulfilling its duty to protect foreign embassies and ensure they remain free from disruption, or is it targeting those who try to prevent such harassment?

International law leaves no room for doubt. The Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations obliges the host state to protect the premises of diplomatic missions. Britain, as a signatory, often presents itself as a champion of these norms. Yet Tuesday’s events suggest otherwise.

Instead of dispersing agitators and preventing disruption, police officers resorted to violence against a young man acting out of a sense of national duty. The images of his treatment do not reflect a state upholding diplomatic protections; they reflect selective enforcement that undermines trust.

For Egyptians, this symbolism extends well beyond Mido’s case. It highlights a broader frustration with how Western governments, and Britain in particular, handle groups like the Muslim Brotherhood.

Outlawed in Egypt and in much of the Arab world, the Brotherhood continues to operate freely abroad, using the language of political opposition while pursuing agendas that destabilize. That activists could openly admit to engineering a situation that led to Mido’s arrest — without consequence — only deepens the perception that Britain is failing to act as an impartial guarantor of law and order.

The principle at stake is simple: protecting an embassy means shielding it from intimidation or harassment. That is the host state’s responsibility. Yet when an Egyptian youth is beaten and arrested while those behind the provocation boast about their role, the credibility of Britain’s commitment to international duty comes into question. Is this really the protection envisaged by the Vienna Convention, or has it become a selective practice where defenders are punished and provocateurs are spared?

This is not a matter of diplomatic etiquette. It strikes at the core of trust between Egypt and Britain. A genuine partnership cannot coexist with double standards. Egyptians cannot accept a situation where those who seek to undermine their institutions are tolerated abroad, while those who oppose them face handcuffs and violence. Mido’s arrest is therefore not just about one individual; it is a symbol of Britain’s contradictions — contradictions that risk damaging relations and eroding the values London claims to uphold.

Britain must make a choice. Either it applies its obligations consistently, protecting embassies from harassment and holding agitators accountable, or it continues down a path where defenders are silenced while provocateurs act unchecked. The images from Tuesday cannot be erased, nor can the questions they raise be ignored. Is Britain protecting embassies, or silencing their defenders? Until London provides an answer through its actions, the contradiction will remain.

Taha Sakr is a journalist focused on politics and international affairs. He is the Managing Editor of Daily News Egypt.

The post Opinion | Beaten for Patriotism: Britain’s Embarrassing Double Standards first appeared on Dailynewsegypt.

Both officials underscored the strategic significance of the visit, describing it as a pivotal step toward transforming Egyptian-British relations into a deeper partnership. The visit also aligns with Egypt’s broader push to strengthen ties with the European Union.

Discussions centered on reforming global financial systems to make them more inclusive and accessible for developing countries. The ministers stressed the urgency of implementing international recommendations for greater transparency in financing and called for reforms to the UN’s development frameworks to ensure stronger national ownership and coordination.

Al-Mashat highlighted Egypt’s expanding collaboration with the UK in key areas such as food security, entrepreneurship, and SME development. She noted that the UK remains one of Egypt’s top foreign investors, with significant engagement in energy, telecommunications, pharmaceuticals, and consumer goods.

The meeting also reviewed the role of key British financial institutions—including the World Bank, UK Export Finance (UKEF), and British International Investment (BII)—in supporting Egypt’s development priorities. BII, which considers Egypt a key market, is actively investing in areas like renewable energy and infrastructure. The ministers acknowledged the contribution of the British-Egyptian Business Association (BEBA) and the Egyptian-British Chamber of Commerce (EBCC) in fostering stronger commercial links.

Al-Mashat outlined the forthcoming launch of Egypt’s “National Narrative for Economic Development,” a strategic initiative aimed at accelerating structural reforms, boosting industrial output, and attracting foreign direct investment. She emphasized that economic measures introduced since March 2024 have stabilized the macroeconomic environment and improved investor confidence.

Climate cooperation was also a major theme, with discussions on Egypt’s NWFE (Nexus of Water, Food, and Energy) platform and BII’s role in financing green hydrogen and clean energy projects. The UK’s support for global climate funds—including the Climate Investment Funds (CIF) and the Green Climate Fund (GCF)—was noted, along with the joint “Green Growth: Egypt–UK” initiative, which continues through COP30.

Baroness Chapman reaffirmed the UK’s commitment to its partnership with Egypt, praising Cairo’s historical and humanitarian leadership—particularly its role in supporting Gaza. She also reiterated the UK’s call for a sustainable ceasefire to ensure unimpeded humanitarian aid.

The meeting concluded with a shared commitment to deepening economic and development cooperation and advocating for global financial reforms that empower developing countries.

The post Egypt, UK deepen economic, development ties ahead of Madbouly’s visit to London first appeared on Dailynewsegypt.

Ahmed Kouchouk stated that Egypt is opening its doors to all with promising and diverse economic opportunities.

“We renew our commitment to transparency and our presence in the most important international financial markets, and to working together to improve policies and seek new opportunities to attract more investment flows,” Kouchouk said in his opening address. He described the event as a strong opportunity for dialogue and building long-term strategic partnerships based on trust and clarity.

“What we present today are not just visions and ideas, but an integrated policy framework that seeks to remove obstacles to private sector growth and achieve greater openness to global innovation and investment,” the minister added.

Kouchouk expressed his appreciation for the London Stock Exchange’s long-standing partnership, which he said reflects the spirit of cooperation between Egypt and British financial institutions.

The minister outlined that Egypt is in a new phase of economic reform focused on fiscal sustainability, empowering the private sector, and boosting industrial and export activities.

“The government is working in full coordination between its institutions to improve the investment climate and enhance confidence in the national economy,” he said. “The economic ministerial group is a very cohesive team, working with a more comprehensive, consistent, and integrated vision towards a clear goal: for our economy to be more resilient, competitive, attractive to investors, responsive to the future, and forward-looking in development and innovation.”

The post At London ‘Egypt Day’, Finance Minister outlines pro-investment policies first appeared on Dailynewsegypt.

The emergence of the Muslim Brotherhood in the 1940s was no historical coincidence. Amid Britain’s colonial retreat, MI6 identified the nascent Islamist movement as a strategic counterforce to the region’s rising nationalist and leftist currents, and as an ideological and religious bulwark against the spread of communism. The Brotherhood’s expansion into Jordan in 1945 occurred within this framework — initially presented as a charitable and proselytizing society, but covertly carrying a political project closely aligned with Western intelligence agendas from its earliest days.

During the reign of King Hussein, the Jordanian state strategically deployed the Brotherhood as a balancing force against leftist movements and armed Palestinian factions. With implicit support from Western intelligence services, the Brotherhood was permitted to embed itself within trade unions, educational institutions, and charitable initiatives — laying the foundations for an expansive socio-economic network that later underpinned its political presence.

Over time, the Brotherhood’s influence extended well beyond mosques and religious schools. The organization established extensive financial and educational institutions, many discreetly backed by Western actors, allowing it to construct a parallel economy that funded its political and missionary activities. These financial empires were not insulated from MI6 and CIA agendas but rather served as mechanisms to ensure the persistence of political Islam’s influence in Arab societies.

The 1990s saw a new chapter unfold with the advent of democratic reforms following Jordan’s 1989 uprising. The Brotherhood founded the Islamic Action Front Party, once again enjoying tacit state support under the assumption that political Islam could be co-opted within a controlled framework. However, this maneuver coincided with a Western strategy aimed at cultivating ‘moderate Islamists’ as potential alternatives to collapsing nationalist regimes.

The outbreak of the Arab Spring was a watershed moment. The Brotherhood swiftly positioned itself at the forefront of popular mobilizations, buoyed by logistical and intelligence backing from Western powers that wagered on its capacity to manage transitional periods aligned with their interests. Yet the organization’s fragmentation in Jordan by 2015, and the subsequent emergence of a licensed alternative entity, exposed ongoing Western attempts to reconfigure the Brotherhood into a more pliable and controllable force.

The Brotherhood’s populist rhetoric resurfaced in the wake of Hamas’s assault on Israel in 2023, reigniting tensions with the Jordanian state. Confrontations with security forces escalated, accompanied by leaked reports of inflammatory rhetoric and transgressive field activities. These developments compelled the authorities to re-evaluate the group’s position within the national security landscape.

In April 2025, Jordanian intelligence services foiled a major terrorist plot orchestrated by a Brotherhood-affiliated cell involving drones, missiles, and explosives. Investigations revealed that several perpetrators had received overseas training in countries historically known for harbouring political Islamist movements — reinforcing the government’s conviction that the Brotherhood had irreversibly crossed the line from political activism into violent subversion, bolstered by foreign sponsorship.

Perhaps the Brotherhood’s most insidious role, driven by externally funded ideological apparatuses, lay in undermining the concept of the nation-state in favour of an ambiguous Islamic universalism. This supranational identity sought to supersede national allegiances, creating alternative loyalties that facilitated societal penetration and institutional destabilization — ultimately serving broader schemes to fragment the region.

Western support for the Brotherhood extended beyond financial and logistical aid to include substantial media backing. Global and regional outlets provided platforms to sanitize the organization’s image, portraying it as the face of ‘moderate Islam,’ particularly after 2011. This carefully curated narrative was anything but innocuous; it formed part of a long-term strategy to discredit national alternatives and constrict state options before their own populations.

Though belated, Jordan’s ban effectively restores a measure of national political coherence. The Brotherhood was never a purely indigenous project but rather a functional instrument of modern colonialism, repurposed through successive iterations of geopolitical opportunism. Its dissolution signals an Arab reckoning with a disfigured past — and the first steps toward liberating the political arena from externally manipulated ideological movements.

Since its earliest ties with MI6 in London, through its clandestine funding channels, to its final exposure in violent conspiracies, the Muslim Brotherhood has exemplified a quintessentially instrumentalised project. Its prohibition today is not merely a Jordanian decree but a pivotal moment in the region’s collective consciousness — an unequivocal declaration that the era of intelligence-sponsored religious movements is drawing to a close.

Dr. Hatem Sadek – Professor at Helwan University

The post Opinion | Jordan Bans Muslim Brotherhood: End of Western-Engineered Project to Destabilize Middle East first appeared on Dailynewsegypt.

The so-called “Greater Middle East” project was never a developmental initiative, but rather a carefully branded blueprint for dismantling the Arab world — hollowing out its spirit, dismantling its identity, and eroding its immunity. When Condoleezza Rice proclaimed that what was happening in Lebanon was the “birth pangs of a New Middle East,” her words were not spontaneous — they were calibrated and cynical, as though the blood spilled was a reasonable price for a long-awaited geopolitical infant dreamed up in the security think tanks of Washington, London, and Tel Aviv. America was no longer pursuing oil alone — it sought to unravel the Arab psyche, to tear social fabrics apart, and to manufacture generations that would see resistance as a burdensome relic, Arabism as a failed myth, and religion as an endless inner conflict.

When armies failed to subdue the will of the people, Western intelligence agencies stepped in through subtler channels. Both the CIA and Britain’s MI6 played pivotal roles in psychological warfare and covert influence operations across the Arab world. Using soft power and digital penetration, they launched invisible waves of mental conditioning via foreign-funded media, cultural organisations, and social platforms that morphed from spaces of free expression into elaborate laboratories for emotional and ideological manipulation. Public anger was outsourced, protests were scheduled by Greenwich Mean Time, and dreams of revolution were reduced to trending hashtags. In this engineered confusion, identity was fragmented, and legitimate demands were turned into explosions that ripped through the nation’s foundations.

MI6, in particular, has a long and discreet history of meddling in the region’s religious and cultural veins. The agency did not limit itself to espionage in the traditional sense but mastered the art of reprogramming consciousness from within. Through selective support of marginal religious currents, it fuelled ideologies that leaned heavily on mystical narratives, most notably the strategic amplification of messianic ideas such as the imminent arrival of the “Mahdi”. These narratives were no accident; they were subtly encouraged to promote passive hope over active resistance, turning religion from a liberating force into a mechanism of delay and submission. By nurturing a psychological climate of expectation and detachment, MI6 contributed to the erosion of political agency, where people clung to metaphysical salvation while their tangible world collapsed. The result was a population conditioned to wait for divine intervention instead of forging a national revival.

Within this same orchestrated landscape, Islamic movements were weaponised — sometimes with their complicity, other times with calculated infiltration. These groups promoted distorted religious doctrines that suffocated the spirit of resistance under the guise of “obedience,” dulled awareness in the name of “avoiding fitna,” and demonised any act of liberation as “rebellion against the ruler.” Grand ideals were hollowed out: jihad was twisted into civil war, the caliphate into blood-soaked fantasy, and religion into a cloak worn by those plotting to assassinate the homeland rather than defend it.

Yet none of this manipulation would have taken root without internal vulnerabilities. A decaying educational system, hollow media rhetoric, and a cultural vacuum devoid of inspiring figures created a fertile ground for chaos and extremism. The Arab youth today can quote the price of their smartphones better than they can name the martyrs of their nation. Cities like Beirut, Baghdad, and Damascus — once radiant beacons of Arab thought — have dimmed. Along with them, the dreams of generations have faded: some chronicled by Naguib Mahfouz, others mourned by Mahmoud Darwish, and many still waiting to be written.

Meanwhile, Israel watched, guided, and rejoiced. It was not merely an occupying force but a strategic mastermind — the spearhead of fragmentation lodged deep within the Arab world. Through intelligence alliances and security networks, it fuelled divisions, promoted fragmentation, and marketed the failures of Arab regimes as proof that unity is impossible, resistance is futile, and surrender is pragmatic. Israel’s greatest success lay in transforming the Arab-Israeli conflict into an endless series of Arab-Arab conflicts, making its presence feel ordinary in a region drowning in self-inflicted wounds.

Today, after decades of psychological, cultural, and political ruin, the Arab citizen is confronted with a question far more complex than any colonial map: Do we still have the capacity to forge a self-defined project? Can we afford to dream? Or have our nations become temporary theatres where Western labs redraw our fate? Can we reclaim our awareness before demanding the return of our land or our sovereignty? And perhaps most painfully: what does it mean to be Arab in an age when borders are illusions and the soul of the region lies scattered?

Perhaps we don’t need new maps — we need a compass that will help us navigate back to ourselves in a world where every direction has been obscured. Without the restoration of memory, we will continue to live inside stories written by our adversaries, with pens we have handed them ourselves.

Dr. Hatem Sadek – Professor at Helwan University

The post Opinion | The Greater Middle East: America and Britain’s Hidden Hand in Reshaping Arab Identity first appeared on Dailynewsegypt.

At the London concert, Farhat successfully delivered a captivating musical performance that garnered the admiration of the audience. He employed a blend of traditional and contemporary melodies, which contributed to a strong impression of the creative potential of Arabic music. This event not only showcased his abilities as an artistic director but also demonstrated his capacity to organize large-scale events that transcend boundaries.

The success of Farhat, however, did not shield him from facing certain challenges, particularly following his resignation from the position of director of the Arab Music Festival. In his absence, the festival has lost much of its lustre compared to previous years. Major events are typically contingent upon artistic vision and effective planning, and the absence of a figure like Hani Farhat has had a significant impact.

The audience of the festival was taken aback by the absence of several Arab and Egyptian stars who would have been integral to the major artistic event had Hani been in charge. Questions began to arise regarding the impact of losing one of its most prominent leaders, who had played a significant role in delivering unforgettable evenings.

When examining the list of artists who could have participated in the festival, we find prominent names such as Assala, Mohammed Abdu, and Majid Al Mohandis, among others, eagerly anticipated by the audience. These musicians could have attracted numerous music enthusiasts and added further brilliance to the festival, which was established as a platform for creativity and young talent.

Hani’s apology symbolizes potential turning points that confront the political and administrative aspects of musical arts, undoubtedly influencing the relationship between artists and major festivals, which serve as a common ground between them and their audiences. As Hani Farhat celebrates his new successes in London and continues his artistic endeavours, the effects of leadership changes remain evident in the Arab artistic landscape, which is perpetually striving for development and growth. These moments should serve as a reminder of the significance of artistic messaging and how a single individual can profoundly impact the entire cultural movement. The audience will continue to look forward to the return of major events featuring great musicians under the guidance of an artist like Hani Farhat, allowing them to enjoy beautiful melodies and immerse themselves in heartwarming tunes.

Kadry Al-Haggar

The post Hani Farhat’s London success and the future of Arabic music first appeared on Dailynewsegypt.

The discussion focused on Egypt’s industrial and infrastructure capabilities as presented by the delegation. During the session, Gamal El-Din emphasized that developing infrastructure has been a top priority for SCZONE since its inception, in alignment with Egypt’s economic vision. As a result, the industrial zones within the SCZONE have been prepared to accommodate a wide range of industries, targeting 21 industrial and service sectors for localization. He also highlighted the success in upgrading the ports within the zone, earning the trust of leading global operators, which has strengthened SCZONE’s position in international port rankings and allowed it to maintain high traffic levels despite regional and global challenges.

Gamal El-Din further noted that investments in infrastructure have led to an increase in capital inflows into the industrial zones and ports, reaching nearly $6bn over the past two years. This robust infrastructure has also given SCZONE a competitive edge in the green fuel sector, attracting investment for production facilities and services for refuelling ships with green fuel at the zone’s ports.

In addition to the roundtable, Gamal El-Din participated in discussions alongside Mohamed Farid, Chairperson of the Financial Regulatory Authority, and Khaled Abbas of Administrative Capital for Urban Development (ACUD), to explain the efforts made to enhance the investment climate in Egypt. He highlighted SCZONE’s initiatives to offer a competitive business environment through financial and non-financial incentives while sharing success stories of international economic cooperation across various industrial and service sectors.

Gamal El-Din also outlined SCZONE’s ambition to become a global hub for green fuel production, with plans to allocate 30 million square meters for green fuel manufacturing facilities. He explained that SCZONE aims to centralize companies in this field into one location to streamline operations through a “shared services” model. This includes the establishment of a dedicated water station to meet the needs of green fuel production and a service corridor to transport products to the port for export, reducing production costs and contributing to lower green fuel prices.

Other participants included Khaled Abbas, Chairperson and CEO of ACUD; Sameh Shenouda, Executive Director and Head of Investment at the Africa Finance Corporation; Hadi Aqiqi, Director of Electrical Engineering and Communications at Dar Al-Handasah; and Omar Fouda, Head of Institutional Investment at El Sewedy Electric. The session was moderated by Harry Boyd-Carpenter, Executive Director for Climate Strategy at the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD). 

The post SCZONE chief highlights infrastructure, industrial strengths at London investor roundtable first appeared on Dailynewsegypt.

The agreement was signed during a reception hosted by the Egyptian Embassy in London, coinciding with the British Egyptian Business Association’s (BEBA) trade delegation visit to the UK. The event was attended by a high-level Egyptian delegation, including ministers, senior officials, and business leaders from both countries.

His Excellency Sherif Kamel, Egyptian Ambassador to the United Kingdom, welcomed the agreement, emphasising the importance of educational cooperation between Egypt and the UK. “This partnership reflects the commitment of both governments to support private sector initiatives in education,” Ambassador Kamel said. “By leveraging the unique expertise of British institutions, this initiative marks a pioneering step towards enhancing educational opportunities in Egypt.”

The partnership brings together Moon Hall School’s expertise in supporting students with special educational needs, particularly dyslexia, with New Era Education’s vision of transforming education in Egypt and the region. Through this collaboration, the two institutions aim to provide specialised, high-quality educational support for students facing difficulties accessing learning.

“We are thrilled to partner with Moon Hall School, a leader in inclusive education,” said Dr. Tamer Tammam, Chairman & Founder of New Era Education. “By introducing this pioneering Learning Centre at New Giza, we are ensuring that Egyptian students with special educational needs have access to the tailored educational support they need to thrive. This initiative aligns with our broader mission to provide world-class, innovative education to students in Egypt and beyond.”

The centre will offer specialised learning strategies and programmes tailored to the needs of students with dyslexia and other learning difficulties, allowing them to unlock their full academic potential. The collaboration represents a significant milestone in establishing Egypt as a hub for specialised education, ensuring every child has the opportunity to excel, regardless of their learning needs.

“Moon Hall School is excited to bring our longstanding experience in helping students with dyslexia and other associated difficulties to Egypt,” said Michelle Catterson, Moon Hall’s Executive Head. “Through this collaboration, we hope to set a new benchmark for specialised education in the region, providing students with the right environment, strategies, and resources to succeed academically and personally. We believe every child is entitled to thrive and with our additional support, we know that the possibilities are endless.”

The collaboration has been facilitated by international schools’ consultancy, Minerva International Education Ltd. The initiative marks another milestone in New Era Education’s commitment to changing Egypt’s educational landscape. In recent years, New Era Education has partnered with leading global institutions, such as Uppingham School, bringing internationally acclaimed educational models to Egypt, further strengthening the country’s reputation as a leader in educational innovation.

The post New Era Education partners with Moon Hall School to establish Egypt’s 1st special needs learning centre first appeared on Dailynewsegypt.