During meetings with Varun Chandra and Minouche Shafik, economic, trade, and investment advisers to the British prime minister, Abdelatty highlighted Egypt’s macro-economic reforms, its “Industry 2030 Strategy”, and a “State Ownership Policy” aimed at empowering the private sector and stabilising the foreign exchange market.

The foreign minister also met with chairmen, chief executives, and representatives of UK investment funds, urging them to capitalise on Egypt’s free trade agreements and opportunities in the Suez Canal Economic Zone. He pointed to the government’s “Golden Licence” programme, which is designed to fast-track strategic projects, as a tool for companies seeking access to Middle Eastern and African markets.

British business representatives expressed interest in exploring new cooperation opportunities and expanding their investments, acknowledging improvements in Egypt’s investment climate.

In a separate meeting with the House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee, chaired by Emily Thornberry, Abdelatty discussed the upcoming formation of an Egyptian-British friendship group in the Egyptian parliament. Foreign Ministry spokesman Tamim Khalaf stated that Abdelatty expressed a desire for the Speaker of the House of Commons and committee members to visit Egypt to enhance bilateral coordination on both economic investments and ongoing regional challenges.

Addressing broader geopolitical issues during a panel at the Royal Institute of International Affairs (Chatham House), Abdelatty cautioned that regional escalation threatens international shipping and energy markets. He stressed that military solutions will only deepen crises, stating that Cairo is working with regional and international partners to support a US-Iranian negotiation track.

Abdelatty noted that recent visits by President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi to Gulf nations underscored that Gulf security is an integral part of Egypt’s national security, whilst rejecting any violations of Arab states’ sovereignty. He reaffirmed Cairo’s support for national state institutions and political solutions to conflicts in Sudan, Libya, Yemen, Syria, and Lebanon, adding that an independent Palestinian state based on the June 4, 1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital, remains the core of regional stability.

The post Egyptian foreign minister seeks UK investment, urges Middle East diplomacy during London visit first appeared on Dailynewsegypt.

Speaking at the White House on Wednesday, Trump said the United States “will not allow Iran to obtain a nuclear weapon,” adding that Washington had “strong support” for its position. He announced what he described as a strengthened naval blockade, referred to as the “Steel Wall.”

Trump said the United States would “seize more Iranian oil tankers,” adding that “no one can break through the naval blockade” imposed on Iran and that additional Iranian vessels “will be intercepted unless Tehran shows real commitment and changes its behaviour.”

Addressing lawmakers at the White House, Trump also said the United States would “end the war very quickly” with Iran, reiterating that Tehran would not be permitted to possess nuclear weapons.

Iran’s foreign ministry, however, said Tehran was currently focused on “ending the war on all fronts, especially Lebanon,” while insisting it continued negotiations “in good faith.” The ministry said Washington must demonstrate seriousness in any diplomatic process.

The ministry described the US naval measures as “a violation of the ceasefire and contrary to international law,” dismissing discussions of ultimatums or deadlines imposed on Iran as “ridiculous.”

It added that coastal states have the right to prevent “aggressor states” from crossing the Strait of Hormuz and called for mechanisms regulating passage through the strategic waterway to ensure maritime security and environmental protection. Tehran also demanded the release of frozen Iranian assets and an end to what it described as “maritime piracy against Iranian shipping.”

In a further escalation, Iran’s Revolutionary Guards warned that any renewed attack on Iran would not remain confined within its borders. In a statement carried by Tasnim news agency, the Guards said the “American-Zionist enemy” had failed to learn from repeated strategic defeats, adding that Iran had “not yet used all of its capabilities” despite confronting the United States and Israel.

Iranian state television later reported that five large oil tankers had received authorisation from the Revolutionary Guards to pass through the Strait of Hormuz, highlighting continued tensions surrounding one of the world’s most critical energy shipping routes.

Elsewhere in the region, Jordan’s military said it had shot down an unidentified drone that entered the country’s airspace over Jerash province on Wednesday morning, adding that there were no casualties and only minor material damage.

In the Gulf, the United Arab Emirates called on Iraq to prevent “any hostile acts” launched from its territory following a recent drone attack targeting the UAE’s Barakah nuclear power plant. In a statement, the UAE Ministry of Foreign Affairs urged Baghdad to take immediate and unconditional action to prevent “all hostile acts originating from its territory” and address the threats responsibly in accordance with international law.

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The economic stakes could not be higher. As Chao Wang, an education economist at UNICEF Egypt, pointed out at the study’s launch event in Cairo, Egypt, the country was previously suffering from a severely suppressed human capital dividend.

“The economic returns to education were far below the global average,” Wang noted, highlighting a sobering baseline.”With one additional year of schooling, your earnings only increased by 3.4% in Egypt, compared to around 9% globally.” The root causes—low attendance, shortened school days, and massive class sizes—meant children were schooling, but not learning. Reversing this trend, Wang argued, is not merely a social initiative but a macroeconomic imperative. Global evidence suggests that sustained improvements in learning outcomes could ultimately boost Egypt’s GDP by 5 to 36% over the long term.

The Mechanics of a Miracle

The sheer scale of the turnaround was detailed by Shiraz Chakira, Chief of Education for UNICEF Egypt, who stated unequivocally: “We are confident that the education system is being restored.”

The data presented by Chakira was little short of staggering. Student attendance, which languished at a dire 15%, has surged to 87%. Classrooms that once crammed over 100 students together have been eliminated entirely. In primary schools—the system’s most severe pressure point—average class sizes have dropped from 63 to 41 pupils. Furthermore, learning time has increased by 58%, and a targeted 60-hour remedial literacy program for grades 3 to 6 saw Arabic literacy scores jump by over 50% in just three months.

“This is not just one single change,” Chakira observed. “It is a coordinated system-wide effort.” He emphasised that the introduction of weekly, grade-linked assessments was the behavioural catalyst that drove students back into the classrooms, reconnecting the act of attending school with the tangible outcomes of learning.

Amine Marai, the study’s lead researcher and a lecturer at the Harvard Graduate School of Education, underscored the unprecedented speed and fiscal efficiency of the reforms. Over just two years, the Ministry of Education tackled a massive deficit of roughly 467,000 teachers through a blend of redeployment and new hiring incentives.

More impressively, the state addressed its infrastructure bottleneck without breaking the bank. By creatively repurposing existing spaces and bringing underutilised facilities back into service, the ministry effectively created 98,000 “new” classrooms—a 20% expansion of system capacity.

“If you’re thinking about the equivalent of that in terms of monetary value,” Marai explained, “adjusted for inflation, it would be around $2.5 to $3bn. That’s billion with a ‘B’.”

The Macroeconomic View: Financing the Future

Despite the operational triumphs, the spectre of fiscal constraint looms large. Mahmoud Mohieldin, United Nations Special Envoy on Financing the 2030 Agenda and Egypt’s former Minister of Investment, delivered a sobering but pragmatic macroeconomic perspective.

Referencing Nobel laureate Esther Duflo, Mohieldin reminded attendees that systemic change requires three inseparable enablers: financing, technology, and behavioural incentives. “Without these, nothing will change in any field,” he stated. He issued a stark warning that failure to build the skills required for the future will subject Egypt to severe economic and social pressures.

Drawing on his extensive experience at the World Bank and IMF, Mohieldin urged the government to explore innovative financing mechanisms to sustain the reforms without exacerbating sovereign debt. He pointed to successful international models, such as Indonesia’s use of long-term sovereign sukuk for school construction, and Côte d’Ivoire’s debt swaps, which converted €400m in commercial debt into funding for 33 new schools.

“I had hoped that what is spent on education, healthcare, and basic infrastructure in my country would exceed what we spend on debt servicing,” Mohieldin remarked, stressing that education must not be crowded out by the state’s fiscal obligations. Looking forward to the AI-driven economy, he cited the IMF’s AI Preparedness Index, noting that technology alone is insufficient; true readiness demands aggressive, sustained investment in human capital.

A Global Blueprint

The international community is taking note of Egypt’s aggressive timeline. Natalia Winder Rossi, UNICEF Representative in Egypt, commended the “scale, ambition, and speed” of the undertaking. “Often, progress is incremental and systemic change can take a decade or more,” she noted. “What we’re witnessing here in Egypt is remarkable.” However, she cautioned that the country is only at the end of the beginning, noting that true transformation “will require stamina, focus, and continuous investment.”

Esohe Ebike, Country Engagement Lead for Egypt at the Global Partnership for Education (GPE), echoed this sentiment, admitting that the pace of the ministry’s work left her wondering, “Do these people sleep?” She confirmed the GPE’srecent approval of a system capacity grant for Egypt and positioned the country as a vital case study for the Global South.”Expect yourselves to be inundated with other countries seeking to learn from you,” she advised Egyptian officials, while outlining the GPE’s campaign to leverage $10bn  globally for education transformation.

The View from the Top: State Power and National Identity

The most forceful political mandates of the day came from the highest echelons of the Egyptian government, signalling that these reforms are viewed not merely as departmental policy, but as the cornerstone of national security and statecraft.

In a comprehensive and deeply philosophical address, Minister of Education and Technical Education Mohamed Abdel Latif positioned the reform agenda as the ultimate measure of the republic’s global standing. Directing his remarks to the Prime Minister, Abdel Latif asserted that “education is the true measure of the strength of nations and their ability to compete globally.”

For Abdel Latif, the granular operational successes—the repurposed classrooms and the eliminated teacher deficits—are in service of a much grander geopolitical imperative. He emphasised that under the direct directives and comprehensive vision of President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi, the state has fundamentally redefined human development. The goal is no longer just basic literacy, but the construction of a modern, resilient Egyptian citizen capable of navigating and dominating an increasingly complex global economy. The Minister made it clear that the state’s investment in human capital is non-negotiable, viewing it as the highest priority of the political leadership.

Prime Minister Mostafa Madbouly reinforced this structural commitment, delivering an overarching mandate that bridged the gap between global integration and domestic sovereignty. Acknowledging the monumental shifts achieved by the Ministry of Education, Madbouly explicitly committed the full weight of the state apparatus to continuing these reform efforts.

The Prime Minister articulated a dual mandate for Egypt’s educational future: the absolute necessity of aligning with the highest international benchmarks, without sacrificing the nation’s cultural soul. The state, he declared, is dedicated to”building a modern educational system that aligns with the latest global standards, while preserving our national identity.” This delicate balancing act—integrating Egyptian youth into the hyper-competitive, AI-driven global workforce while fiercely protecting their cultural and historical roots—lies at the very heart of the government’s long-term strategic vision.

As the dust settles on this initial, explosive phase of reform, Egypt finds itself at a critical juncture. The classrooms are full, the teachers are at the chalkboards, and the data is pointing upward. The challenge now is maintaining the fiscal discipline, political stamina, and international partnerships required to ensure that this rapid turnaround evolves into a permanent economic renaissance.

The post Egypt’s great education turnaround: Overhaul of nation’s public education first appeared on Dailynewsegypt.

Speaking at the “Securing Egypt’s Future Through Education Transformation: New Evidence, Progress, and the Way Forward” conference, Abdellatif stated that over the past 20 months, the country has undertaken one of the boldest and most comprehensive education reform programmes in its modern history under the leadership of President Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi.

The minister highlighted that the secondary education system has undergone a fundamental update with the introduction of a new Baccalaureate system, designed to provide multiple opportunities for students and ease psychological and social pressures on Egyptian families. He noted that an agreement was signed in London two days ago with the International Baccalaureate organization to review the educational frameworks and curricula of the new Egyptian certificate.

The broader reform agenda goes beyond expanding access to education to redefining what and how students learn, and how their outcomes are measured, Abdellatif said. The reforms include developing curricula to the latest international standards, expanding digital transformation and applied technology schools, building new schools, and upgrading technological infrastructure.

“We realised that every generation needs components and skills that must be reflected in the educational system to keep pace with the development of building a balanced personality,” Abdellatif said, warning that stagnation in the system leads to intellectual rigidity, slow responses to change, and the stifling of creativity.

The minister outlined ambitions to graduate a generation equipped to adapt to rapid global changes.

“We look forward to building a generation that masters programming and artificial intelligence skills, possesses financial literacy tools, and is capable of openness to the digital economy and non-banking financial activities,” he added.

Addressing the role of educators, Abdellatif stressed that improving teachers’ living conditions is at the forefront of the government’s development agenda, describing them as the true driving force of any reform project. He noted that the ministry has introduced training programmes at international standards in cooperation with Japan’s Hiroshima University.

Directing his remarks to the country’s educators, he said: “Every educational renaissance begins with a teacher whose mind believes in reform and whose heart beats with sincerity … thank you, you remain a pillar for Egypt in building the future.”

Abdellatif thanked Prime Minister Mostafa Madbouly for his continuous support of the decisions and his field visits to schools across various governorates, which confirm the state’s commitment to making education a fundamental pillar of national development.

The minister also praised the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) for its deep-rooted partnership in developing education and supporting children in Egypt. He stated that the cooperation proves international partnerships are a genuine catalyst for tangible and measurable change when governments and the UN work side by side.

Concluding his remarks, Abdellatif said: “The task of building a human being will remain the most difficult challenge, but it is the most enduring in its impact across time.”

The post Egypt’s education reform now a ‘tangible reality’, minister Abdellatif says first appeared on Dailynewsegypt.

Speaking in the New Administrative Capital at a conference titled “Securing Egypt’s Future Through Education Transformation: New Evidence, Progress, and the Way Forward,” Madbouly stated that genuine investment begins with building human capabilities and that education quality is the primary determinant of a state’s economic competitiveness.

Addressing the country’s global standing, the prime minister told attendees, including economist Mahmoud Mohieldin, that Egypt is not satisfied with its current ranking of 161 on the Human Capital Index. While noting the figure is the highest in the immediate region among countries with similar conditions, he stressed the government’s ambition to significantly improve the ranking.

Madbouly noted that nations such as China, Singapore, and Malaysia required between 20 and 45 years of continuous effort to achieve their high educational indicators. Egypt is currently 10 years into its own reform programme, navigating complex global crises and domestic challenges, including 15 years marked by political uprisings and terrorism.

Despite current funding challenges, the education and health sectors continue to secure the highest annual state investments. Madbouly highlighted the role of educators, noting that President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi and the government recently approved financial incentives and salary increases to prioritise teachers above other state sectors.

“Investment in the teacher is a direct investment in the future of the nation,” Madbouly said, describing the Egyptian teacher as the primary pillar of the educational process and the element most capable of shaping national identity.

In the higher education sector, the number of universities has expanded from 50 a decade ago to more than 120 today. This growth includes new national, technological, and private institutions, alongside branches of international universities. Madbouly said curricula, which previously remained static for up to a decade between the 1970s and 1990s, must now be updated annually to prevent illiteracy in modern fields such as artificial intelligence and financial inclusion.

The conference, organised by the Ministry of Education and Technical Education in cooperation with the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), also reviewed recent independent data on the primary education sector.

According to the presented study, the proportion of Egyptian school children suffering from reading and writing difficulties has dropped to 14% from 45.5%, while daily classroom attendance has surged to 87% from 15%.

Average class sizes have also been reduced to 41 students, down from previous averages of 63, with some areas historically experiencing overcrowding of 100 to 120 students per classroom. Madbouly noted that 45 years ago, when the national population was 43 million compared to today’s 110 million, average class sizes in the distinguished public schools he attended stood at 43 students.

To verify these reported improvements on the ground, the prime minister said he conducts unannounced school visits during provincial tours to observe classroom dynamics and ask students to read directly from their textbooks.

Addressing the Minister of Education and Technical Education, Madbouly stressed the importance of sustaining these statistical improvements year-on-year. He added that long-term educational reform requires an institutional approach based on scientific evaluation and collaboration among state institutions, the private sector, civil society, and international development partners.

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An analysis of the divergent governance models of Robert Mugabe and Nelson Mandela has concluded that political leadership is an active force capable of redirecting the course of development in post-liberation African states, according to a master’s thesis awarded with distinction at Cairo University.

Submitted by journalist and political researcher Ahmed Mamdouh Helmy, the research examined the relationship between leadership patterns and political transformations within post-independence African nations. The thesis was discussed by the Department of Politics and Economics at the university’s Faculty of African Graduate Studies.

The study argued that political leadership in Africa should not be viewed merely as a reflection of institutional structures or historical and social contexts. Instead, it operates as an active force capable of redirecting political evolution within the limits of each country’s historical and social realities.

To illustrate this, the research utilised a comparative study of Mugabe in Zimbabwe and Mandela in South Africa. The study explained that the two experiences represent contrasting models of leadership practice, serving as a revealing example of the divergent paths taken by post-liberation states.

Although both leaders began from a common starting point rooted in national struggle, national liberation movements, revolutionary legitimacy, and charismatic leadership, they moved toward distinct models of governance and institution-building. These differing approaches to state management ultimately produced markedly different outcomes regarding political stability and development, highlighting the direct influence of leadership on the continent’s development trajectories.

Following the defence session, the examination committee awarded Helmy a master’s degree with distinction, praising the study’s academic rigour and its balanced analytical treatment of a prominent issue in African political studies.

The academic session was chaired by Professor AbdelSalam Noweir, Professor of Political Science and former Dean of the Faculty of Commerce at Assiut University, who served as an examiner. The committee also included Professor Shaimaa Moheyeldin, Professor of Political Science at the Faculty of African Studies, as an examiner. Professor Sally Farid, Professor of Economics and Head of the Department of Politics and Economics at the faculty, and Dr. Ahmed Amal, Professor of Political Science at the faculty, served as supervisors.

The post Cairo University thesis highlights leadership impact in Mandela and Mugabe comparative study first appeared on Dailynewsegypt.

Speaking to reporters at the White House, Trump said he had been “one hour away” from authorising military action against Iran before deciding to suspend it, adding that strikes “would be happening right now” had there not been what he described as positive developments in contacts with Tehran.

“I’ll give it two or three days, maybe Friday or Saturday or Sunday, or maybe next week, but it is a limited period of time, because we cannot allow them to have a nuclear weapon,” Trump said. He added there was a “very good chance” of reaching an agreement with Iran, but warned: “I hope we don’t have to do more military work, but we may have to deliver another strong strike.”

Trump’s comments followed weeks of confrontation involving reciprocal attacks between the United States, Israel and Iran, including strikes targeting military sites, infrastructure, and energy facilities, with spillover effects across Gulf states and key maritime routes.

In Tehran, Deputy Foreign Minister for Legal and International Affairs Kazem Gharibabadi said Iran was prepared to confront any military aggression and would “not surrender”. He accused Washington of presenting military pressure as an opportunity for peace, stating: “For us, there is no concept of surrender. We either win or are martyred.”

Iranian army spokesman Mohammad Akraminia said Iran “cannot be besieged or defeated” and warned of opening new fronts using “surprising tools” if the country came under attack again.

Meanwhile, General Ali Abdollahi, head of Iran’s Khatam al-Anbiya wartime operations headquarters, warned the United States and Israel against any new “miscalculation”, saying Iranian forces were “more prepared and powerful than ever” and would respond “quickly, decisively, forcefully and broadly” to further aggression.

Alongside escalating rhetoric, diplomatic efforts continued. Iran’s Foreign Ministry said Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi discussed initiatives to end the conflict with Mohsin Naqvi in Tehran, arguing that “contradictory US positions and excessive demands” were obstructing diplomacy.

Araqchi thanked Pakistan for its mediation efforts, while Naqvi expressed hope that Islamabad’s engagement would help restore regional stability.

In Qatar, a foreign ministry spokesperson said Doha fully supported Pakistan’s mediation between Washington and Tehran, stressing that priorities remained preventing renewed hostilities, restoring stability, and achieving a sustainable resolution rather than a temporary ceasefire.

The spokesperson also emphasised the importance of preserving freedom of navigation through the Strait of Hormuz, saying obstruction of the waterway would violate international law.

He noted that the recent transit of two Qatari gas tankers through the strait did not indicate a return to normal shipping conditions, adding that regional and international contacts remained focused on reopening maritime routes and stabilising trade flows.

In the United Arab Emirates, the defence ministry said air defence systems had intercepted six drones targeting civilian and strategic locations over the past 48 hours.

The ministry added that investigations into Sunday’s attack on the Barakah Nuclear Power Plant found it involved three drones launched from Iraqi territory. Two were intercepted, while the third struck an electricity generator outside the facility’s inner perimeter.

The UAE said it reserved the right to take all necessary measures to protect its sovereignty and national security, stressing that its armed forces remained prepared to confront any threats.

In Israel, the newspaper Israel Hayom reported that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu held another security cabinet meeting to discuss the possibility of renewed military action against Iran; the second such meeting within 24 hours.

The developments underscored the simultaneous escalation of military threats and diplomatic engagement surrounding the crisis. Trump said a breakthrough could come soon either through an agreement or renewed military action, reiterating that Iran would “never” obtain a nuclear weapon, while also acknowledging uncertainty over whether the United States would ultimately strike again.

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It is difficult to regard these developments as mere coincidence. For Benjamin Netanyahu, war has become the ultimate political survival card. Anything short of perpetual crisis could expose him to the full force of ongoing corruption and bribery investigations that threaten his political future.

The domestic Israeli scene increasingly resembles a surrealist canvas, where the ambitions of politicians and parties collide with a deeply divided society exhausted by war on multiple fronts.

As the next elections—scheduled for October, or perhaps even earlier—draw closer, political tensions have sharply intensified. This followed the Israeli Supreme Court’s refusal to examine petitions filed by families of those killed, demanding the formation of an official state commission to investigate the October events and the subsequent war, a move Netanyahu had sought to avoid.

The dilemma lies in the absence of judicial consensus over whether the government is legally obligated to establish such a commission. Historically, the outcomes of these investigations have often led to sweeping political and military dismissals, as happened after the Agranat Commission following Israel’s defeat in the October War of 1973, and the Kahan Commission, which investigated the Sabra and Shatila massacres in Beirut in September 1982.

Experience has repeatedly shown that Netanyahu performs at his political best during periods of crisis. His name has become closely associated with a doctrine of “political survival through managed conflict,” a strategy designed to transform existential security threats into electoral leverage and a mechanism for postponing political and judicial accountability.

He frequently invokes the notion of “absolute victory” as a mobilizing slogan, linking his political future to the achievement of a vaguely defined military objective with no clear timeline. This effectively grants him an open-ended mandate to remain in power. High-profile military operations—such as strikes targeting Iran’s nuclear infrastructure—are likewise perceived as instruments for boosting Likud’s popularity. Netanyahu also takes pride in his close relationship with successive US administrations, particularly Donald Trump’s current administration, portraying himself as uniquely capable of securing unconditional international backing for Israel’s military campaigns.

Through wars and national emergencies, Netanyahu has also managed to place the opposition in what many describe as a “patriotism trap.” Political rivals such as Benny Gantz or Yair Lapid find it difficult to criticize him aggressively while Israeli soldiers remain on the battlefield. This dynamic weakens the opposition and grants Netanyahu additional legitimacy.

At the same time, the Supreme Court’s position has provided him with broader room for maneuver ahead of the upcoming elections. Backed by opinion polls suggesting he still commands considerable public influence, Netanyahu’s supporters continue to frame his policies as unavoidable security necessities.

What further strengthens his position is the growing fragmentation among parties attempting to build a united front against him. According to the Israeli newspaper Maariv, Netanyahu has raised the stakes politically and electorally, even declaring his willingness to form a future coalition government with the support of Arab parties. However, he demanded the right to personally select ten candidates for the Likud electoral list, warning that he could take the dramatic step of running outside the party altogether.

This threat evokes memories of Ariel Sharon’s creation of the Kadima Party in November 2005—a move widely described at the time as political suicide. Sharon resigned from Likud, a party he had helped establish, following fierce internal disputes with the party’s hardline right wing, then led by Netanyahu, over the Gaza disengagement plan. Yet Kadima ultimately succeeded in forming the government, despite Sharon remaining in intensive care until his death was officially announced years later.

Only a week ago, Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid established the “Together” alliance, seeking to lead a coalition aimed at defeating Netanyahu in the next elections. Remarkably, despite being only days old, the new bloc topped recent opinion polls conducted by Lazar Research in cooperation with Panel4All, securing more than 46% support compared to Likud’s 42%. Yet such numbers are not always decisive in Israel’s volatile political environment, where voters have become increasingly detached from traditional party loyalties.

Despite Netanyahu’s carefully crafted strategies, current realities point to unprecedented challenges confronting his political model. Thus far, he has failed to achieve a decisive outcome in Gaza, Lebanon, or Iran. Even his most reliable political asset—the military establishment—no longer guarantees overwhelming superiority. Emerging alliances such as the Bennett-Lapid coalition present a formidable alternative narrative centered on Netanyahu’s failure to translate military operations into long-term strategic gains.

As the war approaches its third year, it has exposed profound fractures within Israeli society itself. Extensive research data indicate a growing decline in public trust and social cohesion across various sectors. A recent study conducted by researchers from Tel-Hai University and Tel Aviv University paints a deeply complex picture of Israel after two and a half years of conflict. According to the study, 43% of respondents expressed greater fear of internal political divisions and domestic threats, compared to 38% who feared external security threats such as missiles and drones launched by Hezbollah or Iran’s Revolutionary Guard. Moreover, violence within Israeli society itself was viewed by many as an even greater danger than external military threats.

In essence, this is the environment Netanyahu perceives not as a crisis, but as an opportunity: an opportunity to preserve power and potentially secure another term in office—not out of concern for Israel’s security, but out of fear that judicial consequences could ultimately end his career not as a victorious statesman, but as a convicted politician.

Throughout his political career, Netanyahu has repeatedly transformed national security crises into instruments for personal political survival. Yet today, this strategy faces its most difficult test before an Israeli society exhausted by an endless war with no clear political horizon. The central question remains: how long can this model endure amid the steady erosion of internal trust?

Prof. Hatem Sadek, Helwan University

The post Opinion | Netanyahu: The Strategy of Survival Through Chaos first appeared on Dailynewsegypt.

In international politics, denial can occasionally be part of the game. US President Donald Trump has officially denied requesting Chinese mediation regarding Iran during his recent visit to Beijing. Yet the timing of the visit, the nature of the issues discussed, and the simultaneous escalation in the Gulf have all prompted observers to ask a larger question: Is Washington beginning to view China as a partner that can no longer be bypassed in managing Middle Eastern crises?

From this perspective, Trump’s visit to Beijing was not merely a historic encounter between two strategic rivals or a diplomatic showcase between two great powers. It reflected a deeper transformation unfolding within the international system itself. The shift is neither the collapse of America, as some imagine, nor the rise of China as a traditional replacement empire. Rather, it lies in the changing nature of power itself. Today, power is no longer measured solely by military capabilities, but also by the ability to influence markets, energy flows, supply chains, and networks of economic dependency.

Even without an officially declared mediation request, the mere linkage between Beijing, Washington, and the Iranian file reveals an undeniable reality: China has become too influential to ignore in Middle Eastern calculations. Washington, which for decades acted as the sole power capable of shaping regional balances, now finds itself operating in a world where other actors possess genuine leverage in one of the most strategically sensitive regions on earth.

China today is not merely a trading partner for Tehran; it is a vital economic artery. It is the largest importer of Iranian oil, has massive strategic investments under the Belt and Road Initiative, and holds the ability to grant Tehran economic breathing space in the face of Western sanctions. This makes Beijing—unlike many other international powers—capable of addressing Iran in the language of interests, not threats alone.

However, reading the scene as a “complete Chinese victory” would be a superficial and hasty interpretation. China itself does not—at least not yet—seek to lead the world according to the traditional American model. Beijing is highly aware that any direct confrontation with Washington could threaten the global economic stability upon which its rise depends. Therefore, China’s strategy is based on quiet expansion: economic influence, commercial penetration, long-term investments, and flexible alliances, without engaging in large-scale military adventures.

As for Trump, he operates with a mindset different from that of classical American administrations. He does not place much faith in ideological alliances or grand slogans about democracy and human rights; he believes in the language of “the deal.” His political approach is deeply pragmatic: reducing tensions when necessary, protecting economic interests, and avoiding disruptions that could destabilize energy markets or global trade flows.

Yet behind this pragmatism lies a larger, undeniable truth: America is no longer able to manage the world single-handedly as it did after the collapse of the Soviet Union. In the 1990s, Washington acted as the “sole pole,” capable of imposing sanctions, igniting wars, and building international coalitions without needing genuine understandings with rival powers. Today, the landscape is entirely different.

The war in Ukraine exposed the limits of Western power. The escalation in the Middle East revealed the fragility of global energy markets. Meanwhile, China’s economic rise has created a web of mutual dependencies that makes isolating or bypassing Beijing extremely difficult. The world is gradually transforming into a more complex system in which centers of influence are distributed among Washington, Beijing, Moscow, and rising regional powers.

Most importantly, the Middle East itself is no longer what it once was. Countries in the region have become more pragmatic and more capable of diversifying their alliances. Saudi Arabia cooperates economically with China while maintaining its security partnership with America. The UAE moves flexibly between East and West. Turkey plays a balancing role between Russia and NATO. Even Iran itself is increasingly looking eastward.

In this context, Egypt stands before an important strategic opportunity. A multipolar world grants Cairo wider space for political and economic maneuver, away from the logic of sharp polarization. Egyptian-Chinese relations are expanding economically, while the security and military partnership with the United States continues. This ability to balance may become one of the most significant factors in Egypt’s strength in the coming years.

However, multipolarity does not necessarily mean greater stability. Sometimes a unipolar world is more predictable, while competition between major powers can lead to prolonged crises and open contests of influence. The real danger lies not in China’s rise alone, but in the absence of clear rules to regulate relations between the great powers in the coming phase.

The question that imposes itself here is not: “Has American hegemony ended?” but rather: “How will America behave in a world it no longer controls alone?”

Washington recognizes that Beijing has become its most serious economic competitor, yet it also understands that China’s role in global energy markets, trade networks, and regional diplomacy cannot simply be ignored. This complex relationship of rivalry and selective cooperation may become the defining feature of international politics over the next decade.

As for Iran, it is well aware of the value of its position within this equation. The higher the tension in the Gulf, the greater the importance of the Iranian role, and the greater the need for major powers to negotiate with it, directly or indirectly. Therefore, Tehran will likely continue using its regional pressure cards cautiously, without risking an all-out confrontation that could threaten the regime’s survival.

The Strait of Hormuz remains the true heart of the crisis. It is not merely a waterway, but a global energy artery through which a significant share of oil and gas exports flows. Any disruption there threatens not only the Gulf but the entire global economy. This is why the whole world watches this small area with anxiety that sometimes surpasses attention to the wars themselves.

In the end, Trump’s visit to Beijing may not be an official announcement of the end of the American era. Still, it is certainly a practical acknowledgment that the world has entered a new phase: a phase in which no power—no matter how strong—can manage international balances alone.

And perhaps this is the most important message the visit carried, far from official statements and diplomatic photographs: The world is changing… slowly, but profoundly.

Dr. Marwa El-Shinawy, Academic and Writer

The post Opinion | Trump’s Visit to Beijing Raises the Question: Is Washington Recognizing a Post-Unipolar World? first appeared on Dailynewsegypt.

Speaking on state television, Pezeshkian said Iran’s “dignity and honour will not be sacrificed for comfort or worldly interests,” adding: “We will stand firm until the last breath with dignity and honour, while continuing negotiations and resolutely defending the rights of our dear people.”

His remarks came as the naval forces of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) announced the establishment of a new body, the “Persian Gulf Strait Authority”, tasked with overseeing maritime traffic through the Strait of Hormuz and levying transit charges on passing vessels, a move likely to intensify global concerns over shipping security and energy supplies moving through one of the world’s most important oil chokepoints.

Despite the escalation, signs emerged that diplomatic efforts remain active. Iran’s semi-official Tasnim news agency reported that Tehran had submitted an updated 14-point proposal to the United States through Pakistani mediation after amending an earlier US proposal containing the same number of points. According to Tasnim, the revised Iranian proposal focuses on ending the conflict and establishing confidence-building measures from Washington’s side.

Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Esmail Baghaei said negotiations with the United States were continuing through the Pakistani channel, dismissing speculation surrounding uranium enrichment and nuclear materials. He said both sides had exchanged proposals and comments without providing further details.

In Washington, US President Donald Trump sharpened his rhetoric towards Tehran, warning that “the clock is ticking” for Iran and saying it must move “very fast or there will be nothing left of them.” He also wrote on his Truth Social platform that time was running out for Iran to reach an agreement.

CNN, citing a source familiar with the matter, reported that Trump’s patience was wearing thin over Iran’s handling of negotiations and the continued closure of the Strait of Hormuz, which has disrupted global oil markets. The report added that Trump had more seriously considered resuming military operations in recent days as a means of increasing pressure on Tehran, although he still preferred a diplomatic resolution.

Meanwhile, Trump held a phone call with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu regarding developments linked to Iran, while Saudi Arabia said it reserved the right to respond after intercepting three drones that entered its airspace from Iraq.

A spokesperson for Saudi Arabia’s defence ministry said the drones had been intercepted and destroyed, adding that the kingdom would “take all necessary operational measures” to address any threat to its security and sovereignty.

Qatar also condemned the drone incident, describing it as “a violation of Saudi sovereignty and a threat to regional security,” while reaffirming its full solidarity with Riyadh.

Underscoring growing regional concern, Pakistan deployed 8,000 troops, a squadron of fighter jets and an air defence system to Saudi Arabia under a bilateral defence agreement, according to security officials and government sources, as Islamabad continues to serve as a principal mediator between Washington and Tehran.

On the diplomatic front, Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty held a phone call with Massad Boulos, senior adviser to the US president for Arab and African affairs, to discuss efforts to reduce regional tensions. Abdelatty stressed the importance of resuming dialogue between the United States and Iran to reach understandings that could help avert a broader regional conflict.

The post Iran keeps diplomatic channel open while tightening pressure in Hormuz amid US warnings first appeared on Dailynewsegypt.